Headquarters Economy Attributes and Strategy/Policy Foundations

Author(s):  
J. Myles Shaver

This chapter highlights the advantages that stem from a headquarters economy compared to other regional economies such as industry clusters or creative economies. It then presents an overarching structure from which to consider public policies that can aid and sustain headquarters economies, and corporate strategies that tap into and aid headquarters economies. In doing this, the chapter highlights managers as key decision-makers who make purposeful choices of where they work and reside. It identifies four key constituents that affect such managerial choices. These constituents are companies, governments, non-governmental organizations, and other individuals within the managerial talent pool.

Author(s):  
J. Myles Shaver

Regional economies characterized by concentrations of headquarters from diverse industries stand out as influential dynamic economies. However, there is little discussion about these “headquarters economies.” Why do some metropolitan areas develop vibrant headquarters economies whereas others do not? The answer lies in understanding the essence of headquarters—the managerial talent pool that guides and governs these companies. By investigating an exemplar headquarters economy—Minneapolis-St. Paul—this book demonstrates that this talent pool (Managers), its movement among companies and industries in a region (Mobility), and the nature of its inflow and outflow from a region (Migration) can create a virtuous cycle that strengthens regional companies and draws in additional talent. Comparing the migration pattern of educated, high-earning individuals across metropolitan areas in the United States, and drawing upon a proprietary survey of thousands of headquarters employees in Minneapolis-St. Paul, the book provides supportive evidence for this dynamic. A central insight of the research is that professional managerial talent is a determinant of regional vitality that has largely been overlooked. The underlying factors of managers, mobility, and migration, although here identified in the context of the Minneapolis-St. Paul headquarters economy, exist in metropolitan areas around the world. This demonstrates the scope of the research findings’ applicability, and highlights the benefit of focusing on these underlying factors.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEANDRA REGINA GONÇALVES

Abstract During the international tuna fishery management crisis in 2009, an epistemic community emerged at the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT) that employed collective efforts to deal with shared problems and improved the effectiveness of agreements, in terms of the recovery of Eastern Blue Fin Tuna (EBFT) stocks. This event resulted in the question: when and why does power listen to science? Through a combination of elite interviews and process tracing, this investigation analyzed the roles and influences of science and epistemic communities in the ICCAT EBFT political decisions, from 2004 to 2014. We have concluded that the EBFT case illustrates a situation where effective agreements to handle a fishery crisis in an uncertain environment were enhanced, when a transnational network of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), helped to pressure the decision-makers.


Author(s):  
Gamze Yıldız Şeren

Public policies have undoubtedly a very important position in the economy. The environmental economy is a phenomenon that requires intervention in the market through public policies. This is because environmental problems need to be intervened with public policy tools because they have the characteristics of externalities and are public goods. Accordingly, waste management is a subject of environmental economics, at which point public policies come into play particularly at the level of local governments and gain importance. However, this is not only a matter of public policies but also requires the active involvement of the private sector and social participation. The participation of society and non-governmental organizations, as well as public and private partnerships plays a pivotal role in the effective management of this process because it is difficult to understand the significance of solid waste management for a society that has not completed its intellectual and cultural education.


2021 ◽  
pp. 83-102
Author(s):  
Denis Monteiro ◽  
Cezar Augusto Miranda Guedes

This article addresses the trajectories of peasant families of the rural areas in the municipalities of Juazeiro, Casa Nova, Campo Alegre de Lourdes, and Remanso development, in the Sertão do São Francisco territory, semiarid Bahia, Brazil. It aims to interpret the processes of rural development in the territory based on the results of innovations incorporated by families from the interaction in learning networks mobilized by non-governmental organizations and access to a set of public policies. The Lume method was used to guide the economic and ecological analysis of agroecosystems. In its recent history, this territory was the beneficiary of several policies of tackling misery and hunger through Zero Hunger (Fome Zero) and Brazil without Extreme Poverty (Brasil sem Miséria) governmental programs, aimed at peasant farming. The incidence of extensive territorial development policies conducted by innovative institutionalities is another feature that called the attention of the research. A significant ensemble of innovations has been incorporated to the agroecosystems, to which contributed the public policies of the democratic period and, most importantly, the social capital of the territory resulted from the mobilization of the peasantry as well as from their partner organizations. The trajectories of analyzed families show how food production for self-consumption of the families, the reciprocity of give-and-take actions and the trading in a big diversity of local markets, while empowering the families’ struggle for autonomy, also contributes to summon social active strength for the construction of rural development alternatives aimed at both making peasant farming stronger and ensuring food sovereignty of the territory.


Author(s):  
Dobrinka Chankova

The concept of restorative justice as a type of alternative justice that focuses on the recovery of harm from crime, the victim, the perpetrator and the status quo in general, rather than on repression, is no longer new. It has long had its international legal basis – acts of the UN, EU, Council of Europe and others. Its main tools – victim-offender mediation, family conferences, problem-solving circles and more, are already established and widely used in most European countries and America, Asia, Australia, and Africa. Although marked in some strategic documents in our country recently, restorative justice is not a legal fact yet. However, in the global criminal crisis, deficits of the criminal justice system's functioning could be successfully, if not completely eliminated, then at least mitigated through its mechanisms. Individual scientists and representatives of non-governmental organizations have not only dreamed since the beginning of this century but are working hard to introduce its models. Politicians and decision-makers and part of the legal community show stubborn rigidity and resistance, refusing to put this issue on the current agenda of society, under various pretexts, but primarily defending their "preserved interests and monopoly" in criminal justice. At the same time, the crisis with the COVID-19 pandemic raises the issue again with particular urgency. That is why it is high time to abandon the unproductive "penal populism", to revitalize the debate for the mentioned novelty and achieve synchronicity between visionaries, dreamers, practitioners and users.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
PAN Lin

The participation of social organizations in the process of public policy can make up for the limitations of the existing system, effectively safeguard the social interests at the core of the public interests and promote the sustainable development of the diversified society. However, in the process of participating in public policy, the social organizations of our country still face some factors such as unclear legal status of participation, insufficient operating funds, lack of professional talents and imperfect supervision system. We should take strategies and measures from the aspects of law, system and the self construction of non-governmental organizations, expand the scope and level of social organizations to participate in public policies, and promote the democratization and scientization of public administration in China.


Author(s):  
Viorina Judeu

Regional policy implementation encounters difficulties and limitations similar to those for other areas of economic policy. The main difficulties are those arising from uncertainty in the gaps of time and the nature of the political climate. As a variant influencing the selection process by which a public interest issue to be solved and the stages of monitoring / evaluation of the implementation of public policies are often part of the current work of NGOs. Depending on the area of expertise / interest for a particular topic at a time, NGOs have chosen to monitor / assess the performance of authorities in implementing a solution to solve a problem, depending on certain parameters.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Cupać ◽  
Irem Ebetürk

Abstract The article observes that women's rights politics in the United Nations are caught in full-scale polarization between feminist and conservative non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly visible in their fights over institutional spaces and language. It then sets out to elucidate the process by which this polarization came about. It first ties it to specific reasons for which conservative NGOs entered the UN; namely, their intent to halt and reverse the progress of women's rights. Next, the article observes that this intent has given birth to a specific style of conservative NGOs' advocacy: backlash advocacy. This advocacy differs from regular advocacy in that it does not target only UN decision-makers, but also a rival NGO group and its normative record. Polarization results from feminist NGOs' defensively reciprocating this attack. The article contributes to the literature on international organization (IO)–NGO relations by specifying why conservative NGOs, considered unlikely IO utilizers, end up actively using the UN and by showing that this diversification in NGOs' utilization of the UN can have detrimental rather than positive institutional effects. The article also invites feminist NGOs to be more aware of the political dynamic that now entraps them, and to tailor their future strategies accordingly.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 302-337
Author(s):  
Hazim Okanović ◽  

The main goal of this paper is to investigate the mechanisms of the influence of NGOs on public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement on December 14, 1995 in Paris. The sharp increase in the number of NGOs occurs immediately after the Dayton Accords, and according to some estimates, there were more than 1,500 at the time, which cannot be considered a large number when compared to the number of NGOs in other transition countries. Data from the Collective Register of Foundations and Associations in Bosnia and Herzegovina state that their total number is 25,646, while the number of actually active is difficult to determine. The literature so far has been presented from the non-governmental sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina to a significant extent for public policy making, as well as research results and these claims primarily based on the number of qualitative impact diaries of individual NGOs (case studies). This research paper aims at systematic research of the domain of influence of the non-governmental sector, through quantitative analysis of newly collected data on the influence of non-governmental organizations. The survey was proven at the local, cantonal, authorial and state level on a representative and stratified sample (10% - according to the statistical method) and was trained by the leadership and activists of non-governmental organizations and government officials (ministries and state administrative organizations). One of the main assumptions is that by successfully networking with organizations from neighboring EU member states, NGOs become a respectable actor in public policy-making in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition to quantitative analysis, this paper provides a detailed overview and theoretical analysis of civil society, NGO sector and public policies as well as a comparative insight into institutional and non-institutional mechanisms of NGO influence on public policy making in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their practical application in neighboring countries European Union. This paper contributes to a better understanding of the role of the non-governmental sector (association) in public advocacy and the analysis and comparison of current theories of the legal policy framework, structure, size, factors of development of the non-governmental sector. In addition, the paper contributes to the assessment of the current state of the mechanism of influence on the creation of public policy agendas in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the formulation of measures for internal structures and networking of NGOs and the definition of their number, structure and types. The problem of the research is reflected in the fact that the started processes of transformation and the unfinished process of transition of the Bosnian society and civil sector are, due to the war destructions, significantly slowed down. Changes in society in the pre-war phase created realistic preconditions for the development of the non-governmental sector and civil society in general, and provided a realistic basis for influencing the advocacy and creation of various public policies. In the post-war period, international donors invested heavily in the NGO sector. The subject of this research is the influence of the non-governmental sector on policy-making processes, through knowledge of institutional mechanisms, as well as the correlation of the non-governmental sector and public policies from the aspect of democracy development as an integral process in all its aspects. Given that this topic has previously been partially addressed in this context, through a systematic review of the problem and offering an adequate solution to the problem, it is necessary to re-examine the key issues. The key issues explored within this paper are how networking with neighboring EU Member States has a positive impact (has a positive association) on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies. In addition, the extent to which financial support from EU institutions has a positive impact on the importance of NGOs in advocating for public policies has been explored.


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