Conclusion

2019 ◽  
pp. 276-292
Author(s):  
Peter Lake ◽  
Michael Questier

The concluding chapter sums up the arguments of the book and points towards the long-term significance of the Archpriest Controversy for the later relations between the English Catholics and the English crown, organized around such topics as tolerance and the acceptance de facto or de jure of religious pluralism and the consequences thereof. The chapter takes the account of these points of contact between the Catholic community and the crown down to the later seventeenth century, looking in particular at the petitioning and lobbying that occurred in 1603–4; at the gunpowder conspiracy in 1605; at what happened when the power of episcopal regulation was granted in the 1620s to members of the secular clergy; and also at the strain of so-called Blackloist thought among English Catholics during the Interregnum.

Author(s):  
Mauricio Drelichman ◽  
Hans-Joachim Voth

This epilogue argues that Castile was solvent throughout Philip II's reign. A complex web of contractual obligations designed to ensure repayment governed the relationship between the king and his bankers. The same contracts allowed great flexibility for both the Crown and bankers when liquidity was tight. The risk of potential defaults was not a surprise; their likelihood was priced into the loan contracts. As a consequence, virtually every banking family turned a profit over the long term, while the king benefited from their services to run the largest empire that had yet existed. The epilogue then looks at the economic history version of Spain's Black Legend. The economic history version of the Black Legend emerged from a combination of two narratives: a rich historical tradition analyzing the decline of Spain as an economic and military power from the seventeenth century onward, combined with new institutional analysis highlighting the unconstrained power of the monarch.


1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 773-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. C. Coleman

The intention of this paper is to look at some of the problems which arise in attempts to provide ‘explanations’ of mercantilism and especially its English manifestations. By ‘explanations’ I mean the efforts which some writers have made causally to relate the historical appearance of sets of economic notions or general recommendations on economic policy or even acts of economic policy by the state to particular long-term phenomena of, or trends in, economic history. Historians of economic thought have not generally made such attempts. With a few exceptions they have normally concerned themselves with tracing and analysing the contributions to economic theory made by those labelled as mercantilists. The most extreme case of non-explanation is provided by Eli Heckscher's reiterated contention in his two massive volumes that mercantilism was not to be explained by reference to the economic circumstances of the time; mercantilist policy was not to be seen as ‘the outcome of the economic situation’; mercantilist writers did not construct their system ‘out of any knowledge of reality however derived’. So strongly held an antideterminist fortress, however congenial a haven for some historians of ideas, has given no comfort to other historians – economic or political, Marxist or non-Marxist – who obstinately exhibit empiricist tendencies. Some forays against the fortress have been made. Barry Supple's analysis of English commerce in the early seventeenth century and the resulting presentation of mercantilist thought and policy as ‘the economics of depression’ has passed into the textbooks and achieved the status of an orthodoxy.


Der Islam ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 516-545
Author(s):  
Boğaç Ergene ◽  
Atabey Kaygun

Abstract In this article, we use a mix of computational techniques to identify textual shifts in the Ottoman şeyhülislams’ fetvas between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries. Our analysis, supplemented by a close reading of these texts, indicates that the fetvas underwent multiple forms of transformation, a consequence of the institutional evolution of the şeyhülislam’s fetva office (fetvahane) that aimed to speed up and streamline the production of the fetvas: over time, the texts appropriated a more uniform character and came to contain shorter responses. In the compositions of the questions, we identified many “trigger terms” that facilitated reflexive responses independent of the fetvas’ jurisprudential contexts, a tendency that became stronger after the second half of the seventeenth century. In addition, we propose in the article a methodology that measures the relative strengths of textual and conceptual links among the fetva corpora of various Ottoman şeyhülislams. This analysis informs us about possible paths of long-term evolution of this genre of jurisprudential documents.


1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 203-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
H H Lamb

Long-term weather analysis indicates a shortening of the average growing season in NW Europe from the early Middle Ages to the seventeenth century, followed by a lengthening to the mid-twentieth century, but this trend now appears to have reversed. On a world scale, wet areas exposed to prevailing westerly winds became wetter, and dry areas became drier in the first half of the twentieth century. The implications of these changes for agriculture are considerable.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-575
Author(s):  
Philip Jenkins

In the 1960s Professor Plumb discussedThe growth of political stability in England 1675–1725. In the seventeenth century, he noted, party violence and political conflict were frequent events, resulting in open civil war in the 1640s and several perilous crises in later years. Stability (he argued) developed from the 1720s by means of the ubiquitous use of political patronage by the Whig government, and Sir Robert Walpole's judicious ability to avoid too many controversies that stirred political passions. The government simply offered too many tempting jobs and places for any but the staunchest tory to resist. At the same time, elections became more expensive and less frequent, so a parliamentary seat was a long-term investment for a wealthy family. Of course, this account has been challenged. The tory opposition continued to exist, and to develop creative new methods of organization and propaganda. However, Britain clearly had a much more stable and secure political system in the eighteenth century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke Glanville

What interests do states have in assisting and protecting vulnerable populations beyond their borders? While some political leaders and commentators promote a circumscribed understanding of the national interest that rules out accepting substantial risks and costs for the sake of the distant vulnerable, others endorse an “enlightened” conception of the national interest that recognizes the long-term utility to be gained by helping them. However, while this notion of “enlightened” self-interest gives states reason to act in some instances, it fails to prompt action in other cases where the suffering of strangers is less strategically important. Some leaders and commentators have responded to this problem by reaching for some other, less material conception of the national interest to justify assisting the distant vulnerable, but they have often struggled to find the language they need. This article finds a solution in the debates about self-interest waged in seventeenth-century Europe. Dissatisfied both with Hobbes's narrow understanding of self-interest and Pufendorf's more “enlightened” understanding, Leibniz defended a more generous and “disinterested” conception, grounded not in considerations of material utility but in the pleasure to be derived from helping those in need. This article demonstrates two ways in which this “disinterested” conception of self-interest can be of use today. First, it provides resources for explaining why states already sometimes act in “disinterested” and altruistic ways. Second, it provides leaders with a tool for persuading people to help the distant vulnerable, even when it appears to be in neither their narrow nor their “enlightened” interests to do so.


2008 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 1098-1122 ◽  
Author(s):  
LUCIANO PEZZOLO ◽  
GIUSEPPE TATTARA

From the mid-sixteenth to the early seventeenth century, Genoese bankers collected money from a variety of sources and lent it to the king of Spain. It was all made possible by the Bisenzone exchange fairs, which created an efficient financial network under Genoese control and permitted arbitrage among northern Italian financial markets. At Bisenzone, Genoese bankers raised money for these loans from a variety of sources, which reduced the risks of lending and funded the king's long-term obligations via short term loans. Bisenzone was in many ways an offshore capital market which operated on an international scale, or, in the language of the sixteenth century, a fair without a place—una fiera senza luogo.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Kelly

AbstractFrom the beginning of the seventeenth century, Englishmen professed as Benedictine monks in mainland Europe began returning to their homeland. Until that point, the Catholic mission to England had been run by secular clergy and Jesuits, relationships between the two clerical parties growing increasingly troubled over how the Catholic Reformation should be implemented in England. The arrival of the Benedictines saw the offering of a “third way” to England's proscribed Catholics. Yet with the various missions dependent on lay Catholic resources and support both in England and in mainland Europe, it was necessary for the Benedictines to justify their presence in this often fraught environment. As such, they forcefully laid claim to contemporary English Benedictine martyrs against rival claims by other clerical groups. These battles for validation reached a new level of intensity following James I's serving of the Oath of Allegiance. This article explores how competing groups of English missionary clergy sought to justify their presence in England. Taking the case of two conflicting images of the executed George Gervase, it argues that the contest for martyrs sheds new light on the ways in which martyrdom was exploited by different groups; it also contributes to debates about the Oath of Allegiance, which was threatening to derail the wider Catholic Reformation across mainland Europe. By placing these clashes over English religious identity in both domestic and international contexts, the article makes evident that events on the peripheries of mainland Europe affected discussions at its center.


Author(s):  
Yi-Chang Liu ◽  
Su-Chin Wang

Because the historical archaeology of Taiwan has, since the seventeenth century, focused on either Dutch and Spanish occupations or Chinese immigration, it hasremained unconcerned by earlier, proto-historic encounters with the outside world. Based on foreign ceramics, particularly those originating from China, this chapter explores the exchanges between Taiwan and other regions from the tenth to sixteenth centuries. Although the archaeological record suggests that the island of Taiwan was visited by the Chinese, the two major trade routes of the time (one from Fuzhou or Quanzhou to Ryukyu and the other connecting Quanzhou and Luzon through the Penghu Islands) may have simply skimmed past Taiwan’s coasts. The lack of desired products which might have met the demands of Chinese markets restricted Taiwan’s share of the growing maritime commerce. The “Austronesian Routes” —the multi-dimensional and complicated communication and exchange networks that prehistoric aboriginals of Taiwan had long actively participated in—were steadily fragmented during the process of expansion of the South China ceramic trade, and they were eventually segregated from world commerce systems. It is this long-term process that generates the “backwardness” of Taiwan's aboriginal societies as portrayed not only in early Chinese texts but also in Dutch and Spanish documents.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-326
Author(s):  
Mark Empey

The success of the Counter-Reformation in Ireland following the restoration of the Catholic hierarchy was a remarkable achievement. Between 1618 and 1630 Rome made a staggering nineteen episcopal appointments in a kingdom that was ruled by a Protestant king. Documenting the achievements of the initial period only paints half the picture, however. The implementation of the Tridentine reforms and the thorny issue of episcopal authority brought the religious orders into a head-on collision with the secular clergy. This protracted dispute lasted for a decade, most notably in the diocese of Dublin where an English secular priest, Paul Harris, led a hostile attack on the Franciscan archbishop, Thomas Fleming. The longevity of the feud, though, owed at least as much to the intervention of Lord Deputy Sir Thomas Wentworth as it did to the internal tensions of the Catholic Church. Despite Wentworth’s influential role, he has been largely written out of the conflict. This article addresses the lacunae in the current historiography and argues that the lord deputy’s interference was a decisive factor in exacerbating the hostilities between the secular and regular clergy in early seventeenth-century Ireland.


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