‘The Temper of the People’

Author(s):  
D.H. Robinson

This chapter provides a cultural context for the political debate in eighteenth-century British North America. It charts the emergence and describes the contours of a colonial public sphere, which paralleled similar transformations in European politics during the same period. It explores the media of colonial politics, from newspapers to public oratory, as well as the social settings in which news was spread and debated, from tavern halls to tea gardens, and the codes of conduct that accompanied them, from commerce to refinement. It shows how the colonial public sphere connected with a wider British and European republic of letters, from the circulation of news and opinion around the Atlantic world to the participation of colonists in the Grand Tour. And finally, it discusses the problems and methods of interpreting public utterances.

2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 203-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shimazono Susumu

Abstract Until the 1990s, a commonly held view in Japan was that Buddhism had withdrawn from public space, or that Buddhism had become a private concern. Although Buddhist organizations conducted relief and support activities for the people affected at the time of the Great Hanshin Earthquake in 1995, they were often seen to be out of place, and little attention was given to them by the media. However recently there are areas in which Buddhism can be seen as playing new roles in the public sphere. Religious organizations seem to be expected to perform functions in fields that lie outside the narrow definition of religion. These expectations are becoming stronger among Buddhist organizations as well. In this paper, I describe some areas in the public sphere in which Buddhist groups are starting to play important roles including disaster relief, support of the poor and people without relatives, provision of palliative care and spiritual care, and involvement in environmental and nuclear plant issues.


Author(s):  
Thomas M. Kemple

AbstractMaking sense of the problems which illiterate people face in gaining access to justice puts the foundations of both the ethnography of law and the modern justice system itself into question. The essay explores this thesis with reference to the case of an elderly dairy farmer whose arrest for the mercy killing of his ailing brother attracted intense local and national attention. Documents from the trial which deal with the construction and use of evidence, confession, and testimony, along with schematic representations of the personal, community, and media responses to the case as depicted in the award-winning documentary Brother's Keeper (1992), render visible the textual conventions of a litigious society along with its non-literate and even ritual cultural context. The most troubling issue raised by the case involves a crisis in the bureaucratic organization and expert professionalization of modern litigation when it attempts to address the rights and competencies of relatively illiterate people who appear unable to articulate the values and beliefs of any cultural community at all.


Author(s):  
Zizi Papacharissi

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.


1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Crofts

AbstractThis essay aims to explicate the conditions enabling Hansonism. Politically, it argues that the party's exploitation of cynicism about mainstream politics and deepening economic and social divisions have been enabled by the Howard government's zealous pursuit of neo-liberal politics, its dismantling of Labor's welfare safety net, its wedge politics, its cynical reneging on election promises, and its attacks on the fourth estate, not to mention his endorsement of Hanson's freedom of speech'. In terms of the media, the essay argues that Hansonism's protest vote is based on a ‘plague o’ both your houses'. The allied populist prejudices of several radio talkback hosts have drawn their strength from television's virtual displacement of political debate in its posture as voice of the people, its actual address to viewers as domestic, atomised consumers and the increasing populism of vernacular genres such as lifestyle programs and sitcoms. Examples include the most popular Australian film of the Howard-Hanson era, The Castle.We live in the most polyglot and hybrid moment of human history […] Apostles of purity are the most dangerous people in the world. (Salman Rushdie 1994)People who can accept their own contradictions do not kill people. (Ariel Dorfman 1998)The media are […] so much more effective in disseminating information simultaneously to large groups of people that they not only supplement the political and educational systems but in some respects supplant them, because of their enormous power. (Anthony Wedgewood Benn 1972)


2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
GITTE MEYER

Journalists are often blamed for producing scare stories. It seems to have been forgotten that many, perhaps most, modern scare stories are based on scientific risk calculations, and that journalists are not trained in scaring the wits out of people in that particular way. A more precise accusation might be that journalists are eager, unthinking and unquestioning conveyors of results from scientific risk calculations. Calculation of risk has become an important research product; a product fitting nicely into conventional journalistic storytelling, but the concept of risk tends to dilute value disagreement and conflict of interests into seemingly purely factual issues, leaving little room for political debate. Moreover, the cargo attitude of journalism is in conflict with the journalistic ideal of critical investigation and analysis on behalf of the public to stimulate common deliberation in the public sphere. Apparently, the production of scientific knowledge is excluded from the public sphere. Regarding discussions on science and technology, journalists will have to enquire into aspects of facts, values and social interests to live up to the ideal of investigation on behalf of the public. Several obstacles along this path can be identified, one of them being the commercialization of journalism in the media-industry and of scientific research in the knowledge-industry. Universities, in the search for a meaning of life, might consider providing a home for independent, reflexive journalism on science in a social context.


Author(s):  
Z. Papacharissi

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.


1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Crockatt

“ Liberal ” is a familiar term in contemporary American political debate. Like all political labels it is used in a variety of ways: pejoratively by liberalism's opponents, approvingly by its advocates, or simply as a descriptive term by political commentators and pollsters. The 1976 Presidential campaign offers numerous illustrations. George Wallace dismissed liberals as “ pointy heads … who couldn't ride a bicycle straight.” Georgia State Senator Julian Bond defined his position during the primaries in these terms: “ Liberal voters long tired of losing election battles may want to lay down their liberalism and convert to Carter. I'll stick to Udall.” Interestingly, Udall himself was hesitant about calling himself a “ liberal ” and attempted to dump the label, preferring “ progressive ” on the grounds that “ it seems to bounce off the people better.” The media obviously were not impressed and continued to rate him and his fellow politicians according to their “ liberal ” or “ conservative ” bias. Clearly “ liberal ” is a term we cannot do without, however great the confusions surrounding it.


2015 ◽  
Vol 41 (131) ◽  
pp. 373
Author(s):  
Luis Alejandro Rossi

Resumen: En el § 74 de Ser y tiempo, Martin Heidegger hace una referencia al acontecer del pueblo entendido como comunidad. Esa identificación del Pueblo con una comunidad popular tiene una significación política inmediata en el contexto cultural de la República de Weimar. El reclamo por una comunidade popular provenía de los sectores radicales y antirrepublicanos, de los cuales Heidegger se hace eco en su obra. En nuestro artículo hemos intentado mostrar de qué forma en Ser y tiempo aparecen elementos del debate social y político que oponía la comunidad a la sociedad.Abstract: In § 74 of Being and Time, Martin Heidegger makes a reference to the event of becoming people, understood as a community. The identification of the people with a popular community has an immediate political significance in the cultural context of the Weimar Republic. The claim for a popular community typical of the radical and anti-republican sectors echoes in Heidegger’s work. This article attempts to show how traces of the social and political debate opposing community to society appear in being and Time.


Sustainability in environment is the key to achieve the goals for development. In the media, we have a lot of environmental issues, by regarding this the policy makers and the wider community people have taken action towards the green intiatives in the village people through community radio. Community Radio mainly represent for the people with a beautiful tagline like "By the People, of the people and for the people" leads to represent the different social, economic and cultural context. Women Empowerment and their magnitude development are major affair in the process of evolution. In India, above 850 million people are denied from a vast range of understanding information and knowledge and some of the rural people are isolated without any kind of impact. Traditional Media, New media and Development communication which would develop our livelihood pattern and also the way of communicating with each other. For the rural ,poor people within certain communities "Community Radio" has been proved as the most effective medium of capability and comprehensive to provide impartial content and useful programme among the certain community mankind. The aim of this research is to analyze the benefaction of community radio for women empowerment in SHYAMALAVAANI COMMUNITY RADIO. From this detailed analysis, community radio programmes has created fully participation among Community audience and also equal circulation of ideas among this particular community. This is expected to reveal some attention to all the people for the programmes and effectiveness among women to get authority and get more confident in sway your life and hold their rights.


DeKaVe ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akbar Annasher

Broadly speaking, this paper discusses the phenomenon of murals that are now spread in Yogyakarta Special Region, especially the city of Yogyakarta. Mural painting is an art with a media wall that has the elements of communication, so the mural is also referred to as the art of visual communication. Media is a media wall closest to the community, because the distance between the media with the audience is not limited by anything, direct and open, so the mural is often used as media to convey ideas, the idea of ??community, also called the media the voice of the people. Location of mural art in situations of public spatial proved inviting the owners of capital to use such means, in this case is the mural. Manufacturers of various products began racing the race to put on this wall media, as time goes by without realizing the essence of the actual mural art was forced to turn to the commercial essence, the only benefit some parties only, the power of public spaces gradually occupied by the owners of capital, they hopes that the community can view the contents of messages and can obtain information for the products offered. it brings motivation and cognitive and affective simultaneously in the community.Keywords: Mural, Public Space, and Society.


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