Why the Normative and Positive Roles of Governments Differ

Author(s):  
Vito Tanzi

Policies can aim at results that are good for the whole population or policies can be directed at special groups. General policies may help overall but hurt some subsectors, for example free trade that is now under attack because it has hurt some sectors even though it has promoted a higher growth. Economic theory has increasingly moved from policies that help overall to policies that help or hurt particular groups (the elite, the rich, industrial workers). Policies are frequently promoted by the groups that have the greatest political power, often accompaniedby economic power. Policies have become progressively more complex and less easy to understand for average citizens. Smaller groups, especially those with greater economic power find it easier to organize and to push their agenda and policy responds to such pressure. Various kinds of what could be called “termites” have entered the policymaking process. They include the length and the complexity of many laws, making them less transparent to normal citizens and easier to manipulate.

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 199
Author(s):  
Mehmet Huseyin Bilgin

Economic theory says all countries benefit from free international trade. However, does this belief tell the whole story? Can all countries indeed benefit from free trade? For instance, is it any good for developing countries? In the literature, there are many studies and some of them present ideas against free trade. In this paper, we strive to provide a brief of the literature on developing economies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (No. 4) ◽  
pp. 139-144
Author(s):  
S. Buchta

The article deals with the identification and categorisation of economic power of Slovak regions on the base of collecting of unemployment support payment from the employers, employees, and natural persons entrepreneurs into the employment fund. The analysis shows that during the last years, the number of rich regions has decreased and there rises the number of counties which have to be supported by the division of means from the rich counties. The article consequently categorises the development of economically strong and weak counties of Slovakia in the years 1999–2002 and marks the causes of regional polarisation of Slovakia, lying in its economic and structural difficulties. Alongside increasing the regional polarisation in the rate of unemployment, there continues to rise the re-distribution of funds for labour-market policy from the economically stronger regions to the economically weaker regions, which are reliant on socio-spatial solidarity. The course of economic transformation up to date has had significantly different regional impacts and creates unequal chances for people as well as businesses in the afflicted areas.


2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 805-807
Author(s):  
Justin Buchler

“Civic engagement” is the cornerstone of democracy, right? Everyone knows we need more civic engagement—everyone, that is, except Ben Berger, whose willingness to argue against convention, particularly when that convention is a key tenet of good governmentism, makes me reflexively sympathetic to his argument. Berger and I both attack foundational assumptions of conventional democratic thought, but we differ in our approaches. I base my arguments on economic theory and quantitative analysis, whereas he bases his arguments primarily on interpretations of canonical theorists, most importantly Hannah Arendt and Alexis de Tocqueville. Ultimately, I am convinced by Berger's argument that civic engagement is a messy concept that cannot be considered an “intrinsic good” for democracy, but like most formal theorists, I needed little convincing because the debate that he characterizes is remarkably similar to one that game theorists held some years ago, and resolved in the same direction. Ironically, then, he may face a more hostile audience from within his own subfield than outside of it.


De Economist ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 107 (1) ◽  
pp. 337-346
Author(s):  
Melville J. Ulmer

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (07) ◽  
pp. 47-50
Author(s):  
Goyarchin Abid Mustafayeva ◽  

The idea of Yusif Balasagunlu's work "Kutadgi Bilig" was to strengthen the economic power of the state, increase its military power, adopt wise laws that are good for the people, solve problems between the state and the people, maintain justice and peace in the country. The epos "Kutadgi Bilig" is a monument that has always been loved and read in Turkestan and the Turkic world for centuries and covers all spheres of human and state life. Key words: Uyghur, culture, Uyghur literature, khaganate.


Author(s):  
Luke Mayville

This chapter turns to the question of how, precisely, John Adams understood wealth to translate into political influence. It shows that Adams was a careful student of the Scottish Enlightenment. More than any other Founding Era American, he engaged with the long tradition of thought that emphasized the psychological bases of social and political power. The fruit of his efforts was the series of essays entitled Discourses on Davila, a work that Adams would describe as the fourth and final volume of his Defence. The chapter draws from Discourses on Davila and other writings an understanding of oligarchic power that traces the political power of wealth not to the capacity of the rich to buy influence but instead to public admiration and sympathy for the rich.


2021 ◽  
pp. 59-96
Author(s):  
Melissa Vosen Callens

Chapter three describes how the economic landscape of the 1980s heavily influenced the family dynamics discussed in chapter two, with careful attention to the widening income gap and the paradoxical rise of conspicuous consumption. The chapter demonstrates how access to the American Dream—or lack thereof—is represented in 1980s popular culture and Stranger Things, reflecting and generating increased cynicism of Gen Xers. While many films of the 1980s fail to explore the relationship between economic power and social and political power, Stranger Things does so, but does so implicitly.


Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (10) ◽  
pp. 13-17
Author(s):  
Gunnar Myrdal

Just so there is no misunderstanding: I do not believe economic policies can make much of a contribution to peacekeeping. During the nineteenth century and up to the present there has been a tendency to stress too much the economic factors in international relations. Liberal economic theory, from the classical writers on, is in this respect strikingly similar to what we now identify as the “Marxist” tradition. It is glibly assumed in both camps that trade is an important contributor to peaceful relations on the political level. That trade and economic relations generally worked for peace was an important corollary to the free-trade doctrine, and as a general proposition it now receives almost universal acclaim.


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