Honni soit qui mal y pense

Author(s):  
Gerd-Rainer Horn

The challenges to traditional ante-bellum or ante-Mussolini ways of ruling and running societies were perhaps most visible in the area of fundamental changes affecting the most popular mass media at that time: newspapers. Virtually all across Europe, the vast majority of hitherto operating daily newspapers were shut down at the moment of liberation, and a new antifascist press often took over production facilities vacated by their compromised former owners. After some cursory glances at the politics of the post-liberation press in Germany and Italy, I then go into considerable detail in the case of France. For it was in France where the challenges to published opinion in the wake of Nazi occupation went further and deeper than anywhere else. In France, however, too, within very few years the power of money regained the upper hand, turning back the clock to the status quo ante bellum.

2017 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 133-148
Author(s):  
Jolanta Jabłońska-Bonca

“THE EFFECT OF AUREOLE” AND “EFFECT OF PARTICIPATION” IN THE LIGHT OF INDEPENDENCE OF LAWYERS-SCIENTISTSThe purpose of the text is to signal the need to investigate the conditions for the preserva­tion of the independence of lawyers who practice and simultaneously engage in science. Research independence is understood in the text as loyalty to the principles of methodology and ethics of research. There have been, and will be, lawyers-scientists who are creative, well-skilled to do re­search, and also autonomous, capable of criticizing the status quo, striving for truth no matter what the consequences. In the 21st century, being in such aposition is getting harder and harder. This is due to the fact that many lawyers-scientists concurrently perform important social and occupational roles besides scientific research. The article focuses on two examples of conditions that hinder the preservation of independence and entice lawyers-scientists into the world of politics and ideology. It is: a the activity of lawyers-scientists in the mass media and the consequences of the so-called “aureole effect”, as well as b the “dual occupancy” and the meaning of “participation effect”.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (141) ◽  
pp. 30-59
Author(s):  
Sarah Nelson

Abstract International news, and the technological infrastructures required to collect, distribute, and publish it, have long been battlegrounds of imperial ambition and anticolonial contestation. In the early 1960s, press professionals, engineers, and telecom officials from the global South elaborated a wide-ranging structural critique of the status quo, arguing that developing mass media required decolonizing international networks and global governance practices that perpetuated media inequality. But over the course of the decade, UNESCO began to invite research and expertise from American social scientists and engineers, who came to define UNESCO’s approach to satellite-based media development. By redefining the scope of media development to an instrumentalist vision of Westernization, such research eclipsed a broad, structural vision of reform, casting southern experts’ more radical designs into shadow. By recovering this history, the article tells a new story of the ideologies and governance practices that helped sustain global news inequality in the satellite age.


Articult ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 80-92
Author(s):  
Ksenia K. Eltsova ◽  

The article analyzes the reviews of female and male fashion collections published in the “Style” supplement of the “Kommersant” newspaper during the year 2009. The “Kommersant”, the leading quality publication in Russia in the 2000s, positioned itself as a media for the financial, political and cultural elite of the country, and thus presented a case extremely interesting for discourse analysis. Namely, the world financial crisis of 2008 turned out to be a threat situation to the status quo of the elites of the moment. The situation required articulation of the belonging to the group (elite), more intense than before the crisis. I examined how the system of status markers – the discursive “semiotics of distinction” proposed to the target audience as a strategy for group identification – was constructed in the “Kommersant. Style”: the “consumption of restraint” as a metaphor for “resilience” in the face of the crisis becomes the leading recommendation of the discourse. Putting the results into the context of the 2010s, it can be realized that the idea of “restraint” in consumer behavior transcends the elitist discourse and is popularized in the field of mainstream publications.


Author(s):  
Gerd-Rainer Horn

Liberation Committees were most frequently local institutions of grassroots counterpower vis-à-vis traditional power brokers wishing to facilitate the smooth return to the status quo ante bellum or ante Mussolini. In factories, large offices, and rural areas characterized by the survival of semi-feudal production relations, the latter still a prominent feature in parts of rural Italy, Liberation Committees constituted prima facie challenges to the reestablishment of the dictatorial powers of proprietors and top-level managers. Nowhere did the competing social visions and political projects clash more thoroughly than in factories, offices, or the circumstances confronting landless labourers vis-à-vis traditional landed elites. Next to no serious attention has been devoted to this contentious feature of the moment of liberation until now. My description and analysis of Liberation Committees at the point of production reinforces the assessment of the moment of liberation as a transnational moment of crisis and opportunity when everything appeared possible.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-70
Author(s):  
David C. Wilson

AbstractThis essay posits that justice is the core value epitomizing our moment. Justice is violated when positive outcomes are undeserved, and the felt sense of injustice motivates a need for retribution. Because politics involves allocation (distribution and redistribution), deservingness is a core appraisal of “who gets what” and therefore justice is fundamental for politics. This is especially germane to race, ethnicity, and politics scholars. I present a few core tenets of justice theory, and argue that political science can take advantage of the moment to engage the concept of justice; especially as it relates to the study of racial attitudes and the identification of racial enablers—those ostensible non-racists who facilitate the status quo. Summarily, I propose that justice can unify debates over prejudice and politics, and advance our scholarly understanding of how well-intentioned people—regardless of their identities, or ideological or partisan labels—can facilitate racism, racial inequality, and injustice.


PMLA ◽  
1971 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-374
Author(s):  
Maynard Mack

Our profession is brought to a crisis of self-scrutiny by the current malaise among students and within ourselves. The malaise is real and must be reckoned with however we may account for it: whether as a profound shift of sensibility resembling that which took place at the Reformation or as an equally profound unsettling of our central American myths of concern. How shall we respond? Some urge retreat–into professionalism. Others proclaim defeat–on the ground either that literature is irrelevant to a world trying to educate its minorities and its poor, or that literature is merely supportive of the status quo. None of these arguments will bear inspection. A more practical and wiser response for teachers and scholars in our discipline is a program of outreach: toward (1) the schools, (2) the disadvantaged, (3) the general community of educated men and women, (4) the mass media, (5) more inventive collaborations with each other, (6) new arrangements of literary study; and, above all, (7) the larger tasks to which our calling commits us in purifying the language of the tribe, disseminating the world's great literature, and helping to reconstruct by the power of imagination a fully human world.


Author(s):  
Claudia Leeb

“The When of Sociopolitical Transformation: The Moment of the Limit” introduces the idea of the moment of the limit to engage with the first tension inherent in the idea of the political subject—the tension between the idea of a free and autonomous subject that is not impacted by power, and the idea of a subject as completely subjected to power. It acknowledges the ways in which subjects are subjected to power in capitalism, but avoids postulating the idea of a subjected subject through theorizing the moment of the limit, which it accomplishes through a reading of the real (Lacan) and the non-identical (Adorno). The moment of the limit is the moment when power fails to completely subject or subordinate individuals, and at this moment the political subject with the capacity to not only resist but to transform the status quo can emerge.


2008 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-147
Author(s):  
Harry Van Velthoven

De grondwetsherzieningen veranderden België in een federale staat. Die dynamiek werkt verder door. Op dit moment zorgt dat voor een patstelling: de Vlaamse partijen willen meer autonomie op financieel en sociaal gebied, de Franstalige partijen houden vast aan het status quo. Op de achtergrond speelt de ongelijkmatige sociaaleconomische ontwikkeling van Vlaanderen en Wallonië en de vraag waarom de Waalse politieke elite (vooral de dominante socialistische partij) er na decennialange Belgische en Europese financiële steun er niet in geslaagd is om, zoals andere oud-industriële regio’s in Europa, voor een economische heropleving te zorgen. Dat immobilisme werkt aan Vlaamse kant radicaliserend in de richting van een vaag geformuleerd confederalisme en doet een minderheid voor separatisme pleiten. In de praktijk is een moeilijke afweging bezig tussen een op zich niet betwiste solidariteit enerzijds, een financiële responsabilisering voor gevoerd beleid anderzijds. De overgang van een in hoge mate door de nationale staat gesubsidieerd federalisme naar een verantwoordelijkheidsfederalisme. Sommige strekkingen willen tegelijkertijd de federale staat versterken.Daarnaast stelt zich de vraag naar de grondvesten van het Belgische model en de plaats van het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest daarin. Moet dat ook bevoegd worden voor cultuur, onderwijs…die daar nu, vanwege de vroegere taalkundige discriminatie van de Vlamingen in Brussel, door respectievelijk de Vlaamse en de Franse Gemeenschap worden beheerd? En hoe moet de institutionele begrenzing van de 19 gemeenten in overeenstemming worden gebracht met die van het stadsgewest, het economisch hinterland (62 gemeenten)? In plaats van het Belgische en Brusselse model ingrijpend te wijzigen, is het meer aangewezen de communautaire samenwerking binnen het Brussels Hoofdstedelijk Gewest te verbeteren en tegelijkertijd te werken aan de uitbouw van een stadsgemeenschap in samenwerking met Vlaanderen en Wallonië. In dat opzicht kan het transnationale voorbeeld van de metropool Rijsel-Kortrijk-Doornik inspirerend werken.________A Discussion of the Belgian and the Brussels' modelThe amendments to the constitution turned Belgium into a federal state. This dynamics is still ongoing. At the moment this causes a stalemate: the Flemish parties demand more autonomy in the financial and social sector, whereas the French speaking parties insist on the status quo. This must be seen against the background of an unequal socio-economic development of Flanders and Wallonia and the question why the Walloon political elite (in particular the dominant Socialist Party) unlike other former industrial regions in Europe has not been able to ensure an economic revival after decades of Belgian and European Financial assistance. This paralysis has had a radicalising effect among the Flemish, favouring a rather vaguely formulated co-federalism and, for a minority, it has led to calls for separatism. In practice a difficult assessment is taking place between a non-contested solidarity on the one hand and a demand for financial accountability for the pursued policies on the other hand. It is a transition from a form of federalism, which had been highly subsidized by the national government to federalism with accountability. The purpose of some people is to reinforce the federal state at the same time.In addition the foundations of the Belgian model and the place of the Brussels Capital Region within this model must be questioned. Should it also be given competence for culture, education…which at present because of the former linguistic discrimination are managed by respectively the Flemish and the French community? And how should the institutional boundaries of the 19 communities be coordinated with those of the Capital Region, the economic hinterland (62 communities)? In stead of drastically changing the Belgian and the Brussels’ model it might be preferable to improve the cooperation between the communities within the Brussels Capital Region whilst at the same time working towards the expansion of a city community in cooperation with Flanders and Wallonia. In that respect the transnational example of the metropolis of Lille-Courtrai-Tournai could serve as inspiration.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Costalli ◽  
Andrea Ruggeri

Ideas shape human behavior in many circumstances, including those involving political violence. Yet they have usually been underplayed in studies of the causes of armed mobilization. Likewise, emotions have been overlooked in most analyses of intrastate conflict. A mixed-methods analysis of Italian resistance during the Fascist regime and the Nazi occupation (1943–45) provides the opportunity to theorize and analyze empirical evidence on the role of indignation and radical ideologies in the process of armed mobilization. These nonmaterial factors play a crucial role in the chain that leads to armed collective action. Indignation is a push factor that moves individuals away from accepting the status quo. Radical ideologies act as pull factors that provide a new set of strategies against the incumbent. More specifically, detachment caused by an emotional event disconnects the individual from acceptance of the current state of social relations, and individuals move away from the status quo. Ideologies communicated by political entrepreneurs help to rationalize the emotional shift and elaborate alternative worldviews (disenchantment), as well as possibilities for action. Finally, a radical ideological framework emphasizes normative values and the conduct of action through the “anchoring” mechanism, which can be understood as a pull factor attracting individuals to a new status.


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