Unrest in the Magic Valley

Author(s):  
Chad Broughton

One Evening in May 1967, in the parched border city of Mission, Texas, Ed Krueger had worked into the early evening on a painting and was late to the demonstration at the railroad crossing. He arrived there at 8:45 p.m. with his wife, Tina; his 18-year-old son, David; and Doug Adair, a young journalist writing for the magazine El Malcriado: The Voice of the Farm Worker. Just a few union members and bystanders were at the crossing when they arrived. Krueger, 36, a lanky and clean-cut minister, had been working with Local 2 of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFW) and had expected to see thirty or forty striking farmworkers and activists protesting the “scab melons” passing by on the next train. But they weren’t there, and Krueger was worried. They parked 75 feet south of the railroad crossing, on the west side of Conway Street. Krueger and his wife grabbed some hamburgers and sodas and leaned on their bumper to eat with their son. Adair went to talk to a reporter on the north side of the crossing. Joining Krueger was Magdaleno Dimas, an itinerant 29-year-old farmworker. A Mexico-born U.S. citizen, Dimas had a dragon tattoo on his right arm, a rose on his left, and an edgy zeal for the strike. They were waiting for a freight train carrying tens of thousands of recently harvested cantaloupes and honeydews loaded into thirty or so refrigerated cars. The melons had just been cut at La Casita ranch in Rio Grande City, thirty miles west of Mission. After a switch down-valley in Harlingen, the ranch’s melons would head north to San Antonio. La Casita, owned by a California company, operated nearly year round and employed 300 to 500 laborers on 2,700 acres of melons, peppers, carrots, cabbage, celery, and lettuce. The southern boundary of its well-ordered fruit and vegetable fields was the snaking Rio Grande River. All that separated La Casita from Mexico was a short swim across the slow-moving, greenish river that irrigated its fields.

Itinerario ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken MacMillan

In September 1621, Governor Nathaniel Butler of Bermuda was woken in the middle of the night to hear a report that one hundred Spaniards had landed on the west part of the islands. Bermuda had long been at risk of attack because of its close proximity to the homebound route of the Spanish treasure fleet, so Butler understandably went on the defensive. He ordered the manning of several forts and repaired to the landing area with twenty armed men, expecting to pick up additional strength along the way. Rather than find an invading enemy, Butler and his men found a group of Portuguese and Spanish men, women, and children, whose ship—the 300-tonne, Portuguese-owned San Antonio—had been separated from the treasure fleet by a bad storm and wrecked upon the rocks ten miles west of the islands. Saving what goods they could carry, most of the castaways made their way to Mangrove Bay at the north part of Somerset Island in a small cockboat.


Author(s):  
Max Krochmal

The last hurrah of the statewide coalition occurred in 1966. It began in the Valley, when several hundred migrant farmworkers struck the melon harvest at La Casita Farms near Rio Grande City, in Starr County. Eugene Nelson, a Texas native who worked for the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), the predecessor to the United Farm Workers, in California, asked permission to be reassigned to his home state and returned in March of that year. He made a tour of local unions and liberal leaders in Houston to raise a few dollars and then headed west toward the fields. There he connected with a local resident who had long sought to unionize the area’s farmworkers, and, on June 1, the NFWA’s new members began what they called ...


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volkan Karabacak ◽  
Taylan Sançar ◽  
Yusuf Büyükdeniz

<p>The strike-slip dominated North Anatolian Fault Zone (NAFZ) prolongs to the west and furcates into several branches where shear is distributed to multiple parallel/subparallel segments. The earlier structures that resulted from the ongoing Western Anatolian extension had a key role in the fact that the western part of the NAFZ has a wider deformation zone. Although the southern boundary of this zone is controversial, it is proposed that there is a strong interaction between the deformation zones of the NAFZ and Western Anatolian Extensional Province (WAEP) along the northern margin of the Uludag Range. Since this pivotal region marks the transition between the extensional regime and continental strike-slip zone, it is necessary to increase knowledge thereof. Within this ongoing study, we focused on the morphotectonic and paleoseismologic properties of the Ulubat and Bursa faults that delimits the northern boundary of the Uludag Range. The results of the morphometric analyses (topographic symmetry factor, asymmetry factor, hypsometric curve and integral, channel concavity, and integral analyses) that performed on 79 drainage basin to the south of these faults suggested that the vertical motion in the northeastern part of the Uludag Range changes abruptly to strike-slip dominated deformation, along with Ulubat Fault, towards the west of the Bursa basin.</p><p>The 50 km length, dextral Ulubat Fault was mapped in the field by using offset physiographic features and geological evidence. We divided the ENE–WSW striking Ulubat Fault into three segments that present the releasing double-bend geometry. There are two major changes in trends up to 20 degrees between each segment. The western segment has a length of 17 km in the E-W direction. The middle segment extends toward NE with a length of 20 km. The eastern segment stretches eastward for 13 km with a southward arc-shape geometry. We conducted the first paleoseismological trench studies on middle and eastern segments of the Ulubat Fault and identified at least 6 paleoearthquakes for the last 16 ka on both segments. The paleoseismic behavioral results which are consistent with the geometric segmentation show individual ruptures on each segment. Dated surface ruptures history show that the fault has used the same single trace in Holocene and the last events occurred in 1143 AD and 170 AD along the middle and eastern segments respectively.</p><p>Although further studies are needed to evaluate the paleoseismic recurrence interval, our results show that the Ulubat Fault takes over a considerable activity in the north of Uludag Range. The field evidence and morphometric analyses around the Uludag Range sign out that the Ulubat Fault forms the southernmost member of the NAFZ strike-slip domain. The eastern segment of the dextral Ulubat Fault has vertical component while the Bursa Fault exhibits the characteristics of the WAEP towards further east. This research was supported by the Disaster & Emergency Management Authority of Turkey (UDAP project; G-18-01).</p>


2006 ◽  
Vol 96 (6) ◽  
pp. 599-607 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ramon Jaime-Garcia ◽  
Peter J. Cotty

Aspergillus flavus, the causal agent of aflatoxin contamination of cottonseed, is a natural inhabitant of soils. A. flavus can be divided into the S and L strains, of which the S-strain isolates, on average, produce greater quantities of aflatoxins than the L-strain isolates. Aflatoxin contamination can be severe in several crops in South Texas. The structure of A. flavus communities residing in soils of South Texas was determined from 326 soil samples collected from 152 fields located from the Rio Grande Valley in the south to Fort Bend County in the north from 2001 through 2003. Analysis of variance indicated significant differences in the incidence of A. flavus isolates belonging to the S strain (percent S) among regions. The Coastal Bend (30.7%) and Upper Coast (25.5%) regions had significantly higher percent S incidence than the Rio Grande Valley (4.8%). No significant differences in percent S among years were detected. The CFU per gram of soil were not significantly different among regions. Strain S incidence was positively correlated with clay content and negatively correlated with sand content. Fields cropped to cotton the previous year had a higher S-strain incidence, whereas fields cropped to corn had greater total quantities of A. flavus propagules. Maps of S-strain patterns show that the S strain constitutes >30% of the overall A. flavus community in the area extending from the central Coastal Bend region to the central Upper Coast region. The west Rio Grande Valley had the lowest S-strain incidence (<10%). Geographic variation in S-strain incidence may influence the distribution of aflatoxin contamination in South Texas.


1934 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-253
Author(s):  
S. T. Percival ◽  
Stuart Piggott

Between the rivers Test and Itchen in Hampshire, to the west of Winchester, and to the north-east of Romsey, there is a tract of high ground, forming the watershed between these two rivers, rising at Farley Mount, close to the Roman road from Venta to Sorbiodunum, to a height of 500 ft. above the sea. A part of this tract, particularly the area above the 300-ft. contour, in the ecclesiastical parishes of Farley Chamberlayne and Braishfield, is specially rich in surface flint implements of Neolithic or Early Bronze Age. The Broom Hill site is at the southern boundary of this area, on the borders of these two parishes and in the civil parish of Michelmersh. The position is latitude 51° 2′ north, and longitude 1°27′ west. It happens to be marked on O. S. 6-in. xlix, NW., by a triangle, showing that the place was used as a trigonometrical station, and is, therefore, readily visible for some miles around. The height of the point above sea-level is 330 ft.Here at intervals, during the years 1932 and 1933, the writer discovered some neolithic pottery which will be described by Mr. Stuart Piggott. The site is approximately 150 yards wide from east to west, and some 250 yards long from north to south. It is a ridge of chalk, capped by a sandy clay, above which again is a rough pebbly gravel in which the pottery was found, about twenty to thirty inches below the turf. The fact that there is clay under the gravel causes the land below the hill to be exceedingly marshy, and this state of things was probably even more pronounced in ancient times. The site is a narrow neck ending in a broader portion, entirely surrounded, except at the southern end, by steep slopes or marsh. The form of the site cannot be judged from the shape of the 300-ft. contour on the map, for there is an under-feature which causes the site to assume the form of a peninsula jutting northwards. But at the narrow southern end there is no sign of any defensive bank, which might, perhaps, have been expected; but the site shows signs of having been under plough, though not in living memory.


Author(s):  
Chad Broughton

Mike Allen’s Path to global dealmaker was a strange one. He graduated from Oblate College in San Antonio and was ordained a Catholic priest in 1964. As an oblate in the church, Allen committed his early adult years to the lives of migrant workers and others on the margins, and he considered himself a socialist. He lived in a grungy trailer near the impoverished members of his McAllen parish, where he was known as “Padre Mike.” Not unlike Ed Krueger, Allen worked with the United Farm Workers, taught his parishio­ners how to work the welfare system, and railed against the injustices of capitalism. He had a friendly relationship with Krueger during those years. When Krueger needed something mimeographed, for example, he would go to the office where Allen worked to use his machine. In 1974 Mike Allen left the priesthood and became that most diehard of capitalists: the convert. As he tells it, he evolved, realizing that handouts cannot offer the dignity of work. He took a job working with the Texas Office of Economic Opportunity, where he lobbied in D.C. to get money for Texas and handled economic development grants for Texas businesses. In the mid-1980s he started a company that sold corrugated cardboard to Mexico, invested in a shoe-making maquiladora, and did various consultancies. Then in 1987 Allen moved back to the Magic Valley to lead the McAllen Economic Development Corporation (MEDC) at Mayor Brand's invitation. He was the perfect choice; he felt as comfortable with a Mexican developer or impoverished colonia (neighborhood) dweller as he did with corporate executives or Austin politicos. He wasn’t only bilingual, he was bicultural—and persuasive to boot. In 1988, a year into his tenure at MEDC, Allen met with the mayor of Reynosa, Tamaulipas. A gritty border city of a few hundred thousand, Reynosa lagged behind Tijuana, Ciudad Juárez, and Matamoros, but had been relatively self-sufficient—supported for several decades by its petroleum and natural gas reserves.


The University College of the West Indies is situated in Jamaica on the Liguanea Plain, seven miles by road from Kingston. The site is between 500 and 600 feet above sea-level and covers an area of 700 acres. The foothills of the Blue Mountains rise to the north and east, whilst Long Mountain, a limestone ridge almost 1,500 feet high, provides the southern boundary of the site and separates it from the sea (figure 1, plate 6). The College started teaching in October 1948 when the Faculty of Science comprising the Departments of Botany, Chemistry, Physics and Zoology began classes for thirty-four undergraduates who came to study for the 1st M.B. of the University of London. In October 1949, the Department of Mathematics was included and students were accepted for the general B.Sc. degree. For the last three years, various departments, which now include those in the Faculties of Arts and Medicine, have been housed in temporary quarters consisting of wooden huts erected during the war. The huts have been converted into classrooms, laboratories and offices and have proved very suitable for this purpose. Permanent buildings are now nearing completion and will be occupied during the latter part of 1951 and early 1952 (figure 2, plate 6). The situation of this new University College in the West Indies offers a unique opportunity for biological study in this area. In the description that follows, the biological potentiahties of the area are discussed mainly with regard to Jamaica but it should be borne in mind, if one wishes to cover a wider sphere, that Jamaica is a good centre and is linked by air and shipping services with the other West Indian islands and the mainland of North and South America. Jamaica, itself, is well supplied with roads so that most areas are readily accessible.


Author(s):  
Federico Varese

Organized crime is spreading like a global virus as mobs take advantage of open borders to establish local franchises at will. That at least is the fear, inspired by stories of Russian mobsters in New York, Chinese triads in London, and Italian mafias throughout the West. As this book explains, the truth is more complicated. The author has spent years researching mafia groups in Italy, Russia, the United States, and China, and argues that mafiosi often find themselves abroad against their will, rather than through a strategic plan to colonize new territories. Once there, they do not always succeed in establishing themselves. The book spells out the conditions that lead to their long-term success, namely sudden market expansion that is neither exploited by local rivals nor blocked by authorities. Ultimately the inability of the state to govern economic transformations gives mafias their opportunity. In a series of matched comparisons, the book charts the attempts of the Calabrese 'Ndrangheta to move to the north of Italy, and shows how the Sicilian mafia expanded to early twentieth-century New York, but failed around the same time to find a niche in Argentina. The book explains why the Russian mafia failed to penetrate Rome but succeeded in Hungary. A pioneering chapter on China examines the challenges that triads from Taiwan and Hong Kong find in branching out to the mainland. This book is both a compelling read and a sober assessment of the risks posed by globalization and immigration for the spread of mafias.


2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-236
Author(s):  
Martin Braxatoris ◽  
Michal Ondrejčík

Abstract The paper proposes a basis of theory with the aim of clarifying the casual nature of the relationship between the West Slavic and non-West Slavic Proto-Slavic base of the Slovak language. The paper links the absolute chronology of the Proto-Slavic language changes to historical and archaeological information about Slavs and Avars. The theory connects the ancient West Slavic core of the Proto-Slavic base of the Slovak language with Sclaveni, and non-West Slavic core with Antes, which are connected to the later population in the middle Danube region. It presumes emergence and further expansion of the Slavic koiné, originally based on the non-West Slavic dialects, with subsequent influence on language of the western Slavic tribes settled in the north edge of the Avar Khaganate. The paper also contains a periodization of particular language changes related to the situation in the Khaganate of that time.


Author(s):  
Sorin Geacu

The population of Red Deer (Cervus elaphus L., 1758) in Tulcea county (Romania) The presence of the Red Deer in the North-western parts of Tulcea County is an example of the natural expansion of a species spreading area. In North Dobrogea, this mammal first occurred only forty years ago. The first specimens were spotted on Cocoşul Hill (on the territory of Niculiţel area) in 1970. Peak numbers (68 individuals) were registered in the spring of 1987. The deer population (67 specimens in 2007) of this county extended along 10 km from West to East and 20 km from North to South over a total of 23,000 ha (55% of which was forest land) in the East of the Măcin Mountains and in the West of the Niculiţel Plateau.


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