First Writings for the Stage (1580s)

Author(s):  
David G. Burton

In the 1580s, Cervantes turned to writing for the stage in pursuit of a career as a professional playwright, capitalizing on the popularity of the public theatres and the lucrative trade it produced. However, after a modicum of success his career was soon thwarted by the comedia nueva and the advent of Lope de Vega in the late-1580s would take that obsession to a national level. This chapter explores the first stage of Cervantes’s writing career prior to this new type of play establishing a monopoly on the tastes of the paying public.

Author(s):  
Moisés R. Castillo

It is known that Cervantes wanted, above all things, to be successful on the Golden Age stage and to become a famous playwright. Due in part to the rising popularity of Lope de Vega and the comedia nueva, Cervantes gave up his aspirations to the stage and focussed on his prose. However, unlike any author during this period, Cervantes continued to breathe theatricality into that prose. Structures, themes, characters, and settings shift constantly between distinct genres, unveiling details about Cervantes’s life and worldview. Moreover, at times, the line between theatre and prose seems to mix or blur, demonstrating the dramatic imagination in Cervantes’s works. Additionally, the fact that Cervantes’s writing emphasizes dialogue is of no surprise, as it is infused with a profound humanism, often of Erasmian roots. This chapter explores the significance of this new type of comedy in the works of Miguel de Cervantes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Coman ◽  
O Oltean ◽  
M Palianopoulou ◽  
D Plancikova ◽  
C Zedini ◽  
...  

Abstract Over the past years, Tunisia has experienced important reforms in the field of public health. The Tunisian medical faculties (Universities of Sfax, Tunis el Manar, Sousse and Monastir) play a key role in this endeavor by training public health professionals who can contribute to the modernization of the health system. Funded by the EC through Erasmus+ programme, the CONFIDE project (coordinated by Babes-Bolyai University, having as EU partners the Universities of Southern Denmark and Trnava, and the above mentioned Tunisian universities) has established the Research into Policy training programme by strengthening their capacity to provide public health training. The Research into Policy training programme has been delivered by the Centres for Evidence into Health Policy (C4EHPs) established within the Tunisian partner universities for the needs of CONFIDE. The training programme was implemented in four steps: (1) train the trainer sessions - the European experts trained 18 Tunisian trainers; (2) shadowing sessions - the trainers participated in shadowing sessions in the European partner institutions; (3) training delivery - the CONFIDE trainers, assisted by the European experts, delivered the training to an interdisciplinary group of 25 students and professionals; (4) internships - the students participated in internships in local health institutions. Three modules have been built within the Research into Policy training programme: Public health research, Health promotion policies and Evidence based public health policy. They contributed to increasing the public health knowledge and skills of the professionals trained. The training programme was well received by the Tunisian universities and the material developed so far during the project was adapted to the Tunisian context in the third step of implementation. On the long term, the project is expected to have an impact at the national level and produce updates at curricula level in the Tunisian medical faculties. Key messages Research into Policy training programme developed by the EC partners and culturally adapted by the Tunisian partners to the Tunisian public health context. Research into Policy training is a well-received tool for the high quality learning process in the public health field in Tunisian medical faculties.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002218562110128
Author(s):  
Michele O’Neil

COVID-19 caused sudden and serious damage to the Australian economy. The effects have been spread unevenly, and highlighted the shortcomings of over-reliance on insecure forms of work. The lack of any form of paid leave for casual and other insecure workers undermined the public health response, and was emblematic of the broader consequences of insecurity. Despite its limitations, Australia’s industrial relations system responded to the challenges of the pandemic in a way that less regulated and ‘decentralised’ systems would not have been able to. This article argues that the union movement was critical to Australia’s successful response, and that the award system proved to be an adaptable mechanism to deliver change at a national level while ensuring that the representative voice of workers was heard, and basic industrial protections were not jettisoned. Industry bargaining would have also been a beneficial tool to deal with economy-wide issues of this kind. The article urges that the lessons of the pandemic be learned as we move to a recovery phase and that we ensure there are more secure jobs, better bargaining rights and improvements to basic protections to ensure that workers’ rights are not eroded.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Félix Lobo ◽  
Isabel Río-Álvarez

Incentives contribute to the proper functioning of the broader contracts that regulate the relationships between health systems and professionals. Likewise, incentives are an important element of clinical governance understood as health services’ management at the micro-level, aimed at achieving better health outcomes for patients. In Spain, monetary and non-monetary incentives are sometimes used in the health services, but not as frequently as in other countries. There are already several examples in European countries of initiatives searching the promotion of biosimilars through different sorts of incentives, but not in Spain. Hence, this paper is aimed at identifying the barriers that incentives to prescribe biosimilars might encounter in Spain, with particular interest in incentives in the framework of clinical governance. Both questions are intertwined. Barriers are presented from two perspectives. Firstly, based on the nature of the barrier: (i) the payment system for health professionals, (ii) budget rigidity and excessive bureaucracy, (iii) little autonomy in the management of human resources (iv) lack of clinical integration, (v) absence of a legal framework for clinical governance, and (vi) other governance-related barriers. The second perspective is based on the stakeholders involved: (i) gaps in knowledge among physicians, (ii) misinformation and distrust among patients, (iii) trade unions opposition to productivity-related payments, (iv) lack of a clear position by professional associations, and (v) misalignment of the goals pursued by some healthcare professionals and the goals of the public system. Finally, the authors advance several recommendations to overcome these barriers at the national level.


2018 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 686-702
Author(s):  
Yudhishthira Sapru ◽  
R.K. Sapru

In the current phase of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, and now broadly governance, regulatory administration has acquired growing importance as an instrument of achieving socio-economic objectives. It is through instrumentality of regulatory administration that the government is able to exercise effective political and economic sovereignty and control over the country’s governance process and resources. Governments of nearly all developing countries have initiated policies and procedures to promote and strengthen regulatory bodies and agencies. However, the results of these promotional and regular activities have varied considerably, often reflecting large inadequacies in policies, organisational structures and procedures. Increasing emphasis is now being placed at the national level on a more flexible regulatory administration to enforce compliance with nationally established policies and requirements in various political, economic and social spheres. As a watchdog for the public interest, governments both at central and state levels should engage in activities for the promotion of social and economic justice, so as to ensure the happiness and prosperity of the people.


FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eko Raharjo

The issue of crime not only from the public spotlight in the local and national level, but also a serious concern of the international community. One crime that is now often used as a discussion by scholars of law, economics and banking apparatus of government and law enforcement are on the money laundering crime (money laundering), especially with the notion that the Republic of Indonesia is "heaven" for these practices criminal offenses or the crime of money laundering. The legal issues increasingly into the spotlight with the inclusion of the Republic of Indonesia in the black list or black list. Keywords: Center for Financial Transaction Reporting and Analysis, Money Laundering


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 205316802110505
Author(s):  
Matt Grossmann ◽  
Kayla Hamann ◽  
Jennifer Lee ◽  
Gabrielle Levy ◽  
Brendan Nyhan ◽  
...  

Do Americans overestimate economic mobility? Using representative surveys of the public and local government officials, we assess claims of widespread misperceptions about economic mobility by measuring the accuracy of participants’ perceptions of both relative and absolute mobility. Republican members of the public and government officials are more optimistic than are Democrats about poor children’s chances of reaching the highest income quintile (relative mobility) and earning more than their parents (absolute mobility). Democrats also rate race and family wealth as more important to children’s chances than do Republicans. However, partisan tendencies to overestimate or underestimate mobility are roughly symmetric despite differences in optimism; we only observe small and inconsistent differences in belief accuracy by party for both the public and local officials. Finally, accuracy is no greater for perceptions of state and local mobility than at the national level.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (4.15) ◽  
pp. 252
Author(s):  
Sheikh Muhamad Hizam Sheikh Khairuddin ◽  
Kamaruzzaman Ismail ◽  
Zalina Zainudin

The aim of this paper is to identify the perceptions of teachers and regulators in implementing fully privately run public schools (FPRPS) in Malaysia. Under the Malaysian Educational Blueprint (MEB) 2013 - 2025, it is clearly stated that the programs and activities that would encourage and allow parents, the public and private sectors, NGOs, and society to forge a partnership with the school will benefit especially concerning values education. These school community partnerships can be related to the ninth shift in the Blueprint which is “partnering with parents, community and private sector at scale,” although, the emphasis of this shift is more on students’ academic progress. This study was conducted for three months’ periods, involving 87 teachers and principals (in 13 schools) in the districts of Petaling Utama, Wilayah Bangsar-Pudu and Hulu Langat and 23 regulators in 10 Regulatory Bodies. The method used was in the form of focus group discussion (FGD). The data was processed by using Atlas ti. From the interviews conducted on FPRPS, all of the respondents (i.e. teachers, principals and regulators) indicated that they are ready and willing to accept the FPRPS implementation. This is because FPRS offers huge potential benefits to them. These include improvement in students’ skill, teacher training, academic performance, employability, financial support, infrastructures, facilities, security, maintenance, workload, and school efficiency. The study contributes to the development of a new type of school in Malaysia. 


Author(s):  
Eva NAGYFEJEO ◽  
Basie Von SOLMS

Nowadays, many cyber users do not understand how to protect themselves and their information within cyber space. One reason is that cyber users are unaware of possible cyber risks and threats that may occur within cyber space. The second reason is that citizens, businesses and users within the public sector may be aware of relevant cyber risks but do not really understand the seriousness of such risks and the consequences if they do realise. Therefore, cybersecurity awareness campaigns are an integral part of improving cybersecurity awareness. Based on in-country reviews conducted as part of the Global Cybersecurity Capacity Centre (GCSCC) programme, we observed that the campaigns to raise cybersecurity awareness throughout the country are often led by different ‘owners’ without co-ordination and adequate resources therefore creating fragmentation in the national cybersecurity awareness raising programme. This paper suggests that the development of a coordinated and coherent national cybersecurity awareness program is critical for building a basic level of aware-ness at the national level. We will examine the requirements needed to develop a coordinated national awareness raising programme by reviewing the existing literature, best practice approaches and the role of different stakeholders such as the government, private sector and civil society. We will draw conclusions on the main obstacles to ensure overall coherence between the actions of stakeholders and the efforts countries should prioritise in order to increase awareness of cyber risks at the national level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
M.A. CHEKUNOVA ◽  

The purpose of the article is to consider the influence of the processes of digital transformation of society on the change of the model of power and public communications. The positions and arguments of technological optimists and alarmists on the prospects for the development or involution of democracy in the context of further digitalization are considered. Scenario variants of the political consequences of the "digital revolution"are presented. A special place is given to the analysis of the discourse, catalyzed by anti-covid events, around the problem of a new type of totalitarianism. The author, pointing to the opportunities of digitalization that are favorable for the development of power and public relations, also notes the risks associated with it for the political sphere. As a result of the research, the author suggests two main directions of digital transformation in the field of political communication in the medium term: 1) creative, enhancing the effectiveness of dialogue communications between the authorities and the public (including through the implementation of the national project "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation"), 2) destructive, forming the language of hostility in society and the activity of anonymous political trolls that generate conflict.


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