Germany and Scandinavia

2020 ◽  
pp. 444-462
Author(s):  
Joe Perry
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Family Values ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Public ◽  
Middle Class Family ◽  
True Meaning ◽  
Community Belonging ◽  
History Of ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries

The peoples of Scandinavia and Germany created an impressive array of Christmas observances. This chapter explores their history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when today’s holiday took shape. Even as nineteenth-century ethnographers were conducting studies of the holiday’s roots in pre-Christian pagan traditions, celebrants were drawing on existing religious, aristocratic, and peasant traditions to reinvent a holiday that celebrated middle-class family values; new observances centred on the Christmas tree, the jultomten (Christmas gnome), and Father Christmas. After 1900, Christmas was deeply influenced by the consolidation of consumer culture, exemplified in the history of the Christmas market and the department store, and the evolving mass media, including family Christmas literature. Along the way, Christmas was also politicized and nationalized, especially in Germany, where Marxist Social Democrats, National Socialists, and Cold War Communists and liberals all tried to shape a Christmas that advanced their political agendas. This history suggests that Christmas observances in northern Europe crossed boundaries normally kept separate: between the sacred and the secular, the public and the private, the personal and the political, the commercial and the authentic. While critics repeatedly complained that waning piety, excessive commercialization, or drunken frivolity threatened the ‘true meaning’ of Christmas, this chapter argues that such changes were both inventive and productive. Christmas in Germany and Scandinavia (and elsewhere) was never static, but instead opened space for the contestation and reproduction of changing ideals of faith, family, and community belonging.

Morale

Sanitized Sex ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kramm
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Sex Education ◽  
Family Values ◽  
Main Theme ◽  
Moral Reform ◽  
White Community ◽  
Guidance Programs ◽  
Middle Class Family ◽  
The Cold War

The global legacy of moral reform, its intersection with social hygienic knowledge, and its impact on the Cold War is the main theme of chapter 4. It analyzes sex education and character-guidance programs, a terrain in which moral reformers and social hygienists clashed but occasionally also cooperated, which incorporated specific ideals of masculinity, middle-class family values, and white community building that American Cold War ideology popularized and military educators propagated to occupation personnel. Secondly, chapter 4 discusses morality concerning sexuality and prostitution among Japanese contemporaries. Moral debates focused especially on the streetwalking prostitute, embodied by the panpan girl. She became a famous symbol, who vividly represented the revolutionary changes of democratizing Japan but was also perceived as incarnation of moral and social decay.

scholarly journals The Foundations of N.K. Mikhailovsky's Theory. Formation of “Subjective Sociology”, Late 1860s – mid-1870s

2021 ◽  
Vol V (2) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Andrey Teslya
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Theory ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Public ◽  
Special Analysis ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The One

Nikolai Konstantinovich Mikhaylovsky (1842–1904) is one of the most well-known and influential Russian publicists of the last third of the 19th and the beginning of 20th century, ideologist of the Narodniki movement, the author of the conception known as “subjective sociology” and the editor of journal Russian wealth at the end of his life. Yet, while his role in the history of Russian social movement or literary-aesthetic views have been quite fully studied, his social theory has rarely become the object of the special analysis during the last century. On the one hand, it was shadowed by the theories which appeared earlier and had more influence even abroad (outside the Russian empire) as, for example, the ideas of Herzen, Bakunin, Chernyshevsky, Lavrov. On the other hand, Mikhaylovsky, who was severely criticized by Russian social democrats in 1894–1901, was perceived as a rather weak theorist. In this article, we demonstrate the essential differences between the early conceptual advances of Mikhaylovsky and P.L. Lavrov and assert that the conception of the former was influenced both by the rethinking of the Darwinism from a viewpoint of understanding of nature and by the conclusions for social theory. Unlike Lavrov, Mikhaylovsky, as well as Herzen, was an advocate of non-teleological understanding of progress and favored the interpretation of history as logical yet free from strict determinism. In conclusion, Mikhaylovsky’s opinion about the society, which was formed at the end of 1860s – first quarter of 1870s, appears as a quite consistent and elaborated system, an answer to the theoretical challenges. Firstly, on the part of the Darwinism and the attempt to apply it to the analysis of the society. Secondly, on the part of the organicism. Lastly, we give an interpretation to the decline of the public interest to the social theory of Mikhaylovsky at the end of the 19th – beginning of 20th century.

Cookery and Copyright: A History of One Cookbook in Three Acts

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carrie Helms Tippen ◽  
Heidi S. Hakimi-Hood ◽  
Amanda Milian
Keyword(s):  
Book History ◽  
Domestic Workers ◽  
The United States ◽  
Copyright Law ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
Nineteenth And Twentieth Centuries ◽  
The Right ◽  
Training Institute ◽  
The U.S

This article examines the history and movements of one collection of recipes in three “acts” or iterations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Maria Eliza Ketelby Rundell's A New System of Domestic Cookery is published in London in 1806, and almost immediately, the book is pirated and printed in the United States. More than 100 years later, the same collection of recipes is reprinted by S. Thomas Bivins under the title The Southern Cookbook. The authors discuss the implications of the text's movements through the lens of book history and copyright law. Rundell sues her publisher, John Murray, for the right to control the publication of her recipes. Meanwhile, in the U.S., her book is continuously in print for decades, but Rundell receives no remuneration for it. Bivins, an African American merchant and principal of a training institute for black domestic workers, takes the recipes attributed to Rundell from the public domain for The Southern Cookbook. The authors conclude that this cookbook in three acts demonstrates how a history of the cookbook in general can challenge received understandings of authorship and textual ownership.

Security and Health

2018 ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Simon Rushton
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Final Section ◽  
Emerging Infectious Diseases ◽  
Security Threats ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Trade Offs ◽  
History Of Disease ◽  
Health Threats ◽  
History Of

This chapter examines and critiques how diseases have come to be seen as national and international security threats, beginning with a brief look at the long history of disease as a threat to societies, then turning to deepening linkages between disease and national security in the post–Cold War era. It then examines four health threats that have entered Western security agendas since the 1990s: emerging infectious diseases, HIV/AIDS, bioterrorism, and drug-resistant infections, focusing on how the public health and security communities have combined to construct these particular health problems as security threats. The chapter also examines some apparent benefits of framing diseases as security threats. The final section discusses critiques of the securitisation of health, noting that these point to the need for policymakers to grapple with deeply political trade-offs regarding how much “security” from health threats we want and what we will sacrifice to get it.

The Ground Observer Corps: Public Relations and the Cold War in the 1950s

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenton Clymer
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Public Relations ◽  
Air Force ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Air Defense ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Homeland Defense

This essay examines the development and demise of one of the least studied elements of U.S. homeland defense efforts in the 1950s: the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). The article recounts the history of the GOC from its founding in the mid-1950s until its deactivation in 1959 and concludes that it never came close to achieving its goals for recruitment and effectiveness. Yet, despite the major shortcomings of the GOC, the U.S. Air Force continued to support it, primarily because it was seen as helpful for the public relations interests of the Air Force, continental air defense, and, more generally, U.S. Cold War policies. The lack of widespread public support for the GOC raises questions about the view that Americans were deeply fearful of an imminent Soviet nuclear strike in the 1950s.

scholarly journals Kekkonen vallankäyttäjänä ja vallankäytön välineenä. Urho Kekkosen historiakuva Helsingin Sanomien 1960-lukuviittauksissa

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olli Seuri
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Private Life ◽  
Daily Newspaper ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Progressive Force ◽  
Historical References

Kekkonen and Power. The Image of Urho Kekkonen in Helsingin Sanomat’s References to the 1960s This article explores the history of President Urho Kekkonen as it appeared in the pages of daily newspaper, Helsingin Sanomat (HS). His history is produced in different sections and historical references in every-day work of a newspaper. Separate pieces of representations produced by writers, editors and interviewees construct the image which is as much about representing and remembering as it is about forgetting and omitting. This article’s material is limited to references to the 1960s in the HS’s volumes of 2008 and 2013. The sample is limited in order to analyse the idea of “different types of Kekkonen” in Finnish history culture. This study shows that the image of Kekkonen constructed in these references to 1960s is that of a powerful president. For example, young Kekkonen, Prime Minister Kekkonen, and the frail President after 25 years reign, are all omitted. Representations and meanings in these newspaper references are limited to Kekkonen, his legacy, and influence in public and private life in the 1960s and 1970s. In this study’s material Kekkonen is a progressive force in the modernization period of the 1960s Finland. Also, the legacy of Kekkonen and his foreign policy are strong in HS’s references. The debate concerning Cold War shows the dynamism of the image of the past of President Urho Kekkonen and his lasting relevance to Finnish history culture. His legacy and history can be used for various lines of argument. Different emphasis leads to different, even opposing, views and visions. The public debate over Cold War and Kekkonen represents a broader aspect, noticed earlier by historian Henrik Meinander (2010): The debate concerning the legacy of President Urho Kekkonen is a debate of Cold War Finland and Finland’s position between the East and the West.Kekkonen vallankäyttäjänä ja vallankäytön välineenä. Urho Kekkosen historiakuva Helsingin Sanomien 1960-lukuviittauksissa  Artikkelissa selvitetään, millainen historiakuva presidentti Urho Kekkosesta muodostuu Helsingin Sanomien (HS) 1960-lukuviittauksista vuosien 2008 ja 2013 lehdissä. Sanomalehden tuottama historiakuva syntyy päivä päivältä lehden eri osastoissa historiaa koskevissa jutuissa ja historiaviittauksissa. Kekkosen historiakuva on yksittäisistä paloista rakentuva, valikoitu esitys siitä, mikä Kekkosessa on vielä 2000-luvulla merkityksellistä. Se kertoo sekä HS:n valinnoista että suomalaisesta historiakulttuurista.HS:ssa 1960-lukuviittauksista muodostuu kuva Urho Kekkosesta presidenttinä ja vallankäyttäjänä. Otoksen rajaus nostaa esiin erityisesti Torstin (2012) määrittelemän ” 1960-luvun ja kuulentojen sukupolven” Kekkosen. Viittauksissa painottuvat modernisoituva 1960-luvun Suomi sekä 1960–1970-lukujen lännen ja idän välillä tasapainotellut kylmän sodan Suomi. Historiakuvan rakentuminen perustuu aina valintoihin ja historian käyttöön eli muistamisen ohella rajaamiseen ja unohtamiseen. HS:n 1960-lukuviittauksissa ei ole nuorta Kekkosta, ei pääministeri Kekkosta eikä sairauden vuoksi valtaoikeuksistaan luopuvaa Kekkosta. Jäljelle jää vahva vaikuttaja, jonka elämäntyötä arvioidaan niin henkilökohtaisen kuin julkisenkin kautta. Kekkosen merkitys HS:ssa ja suomalaisessa historiakulttuurissa näkyy hänen presidenttiajan perinnössään mutta myös siinä, kuinka hänen perintöään arvioidaan yhä uudelleen. Kekkosen historiakuvaan liittyvä poliittinen ulottuvuus paljastuu etenkin niissä tapauksissa, joissa Kekkosta tai häneen liitettyjä merkityksiä käytetään erilaisten argumenttien tukena. Erilaisilla painotuksilla Kekkonen taipuu HS:ssa erilaisiin asentoihin. Kuten Meinander (2010) on huomioinut, on keskustelu Kekkosesta myös keskustelua kylmän sodan Suomesta ja Suomen paikasta idän ja lännen välissä.

scholarly journals The exceptionalism of Romanian socialist television and its implications

Panoptikum ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 168-192
Author(s):  
Alexandru Matei ◽  
Annemarie Sorescu- Marinković
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Television Studies ◽  
Iron Curtain ◽  
The Public ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Economic

During recent years, the study of European televisions has rediscovered socialist television, and we have witnessed a rapid rise in scholarly interest in a new field of research: socialist television studies. On the whole, this recent body of literaturę presents two main new insights as compared to previous studies in the field of the history of Western television: on the one hand, it shows that European television during the Cold War was less heterogeneous than one may imagine when considering the political, economic and ideological split created by the Iron Curtain; on the other hand, it turns to and capitalizes on archives, mostly video, which have been inaccessible to the public. The interactions between Western and socialist mass culture are highlighted mainly with respect to the most popular TV programs: fiction and entertainment. The authors give us an extraordinary landscape of the Romanian socialist television. Unique in the Eastern part of Europe is the period of the early 1990s. Upon the fall of the communist regime, after almost 15 years of freezing, TVR found itself unable to move forward.

‘Reflexiveness’ in archaeology, nationalism, and Europeanism

2000 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Gramsch
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
History Of Ideas ◽  
European Identity ◽  
Short History ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
History Of ◽  
Founding Myth

Abstract‘Reflexiveness’ is a term used for the growth of discussions in archaeology on its history, epistemology, and social relevance. While much of this reflecting refers to the relation of archaeology and nationalism, leading to insights into the politicisation of archaeological research and presentation to the public and the use of the past for ideological purposes, still we can witness many parallels to the use of prehistory for the creation of a European identity. After briefly commenting on discussions on different nationalisms and national and cultural identity, I will present a short history of ideas of Europe, followed by a consideration of two examples of the attempt to create the lacking founding myth of post-cold-war Europe. In the end, it is argued that a ‘Reflexive Theory’ should necessarily replace current rather politically motivated ‘reflexiveness’ and is needed to examine critically the Europeanist notion of European archaeology.

Popularizing and Promoting Nene Hatun as an Iconic Turkish Mother in Early Cold War Turkey

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Gözde Emen-Gökatalay
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Family Values ◽  
Public Image ◽  
Family Roles ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The Family ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Turkish Mothers

Abstract This article traces Nene Hatun’s popularity and legacy for women’s image in Turkey. The rediscovery of Nene Hatun and the political construction of her public image during the rule of the Democratic Party (DP), as an icon of anticommunist Turkish mothers, not only maps out the gendered effects of intensified anticommunist policies in Turkey in the period under consideration but also showcases the immediate consequences of the growing conservative discourses and gender anxieties on the public images and roles of women. Exemplified by Nene Hatun’s sudden popularity, the 1950s witnessed a change in the references to motherhood in the discourses of politicians and other public figures. Framing the family roles of women as a question of security, such discourses referred to mothers as the protectors of family values against communist threats, which assigned further domestic duties to women in Turkey, already living in a strongly patriarchal society.

scholarly journals Censura y oídos sordos ante la literatura sobre los campos de la muerte en la posguerra europea: Joaquim Amat-Piniella y Primo Levi = Censorship and deaf ears faced with the literature on the death camps in post-war Europe: Joaquim Amat-Piniella and Primo Levi

2019 ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Alejandro Pérez Vidal
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Concentration Camp ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Primo Levi ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

Resumen: Esta comunicación estudia algunos aspectos de la memoria de experiencias concentracionarias en los años inmediatamente posteriores a la II Guerra Mundial. En la primera parte se centra en la historia editorial de K.L. Reich, novela de Joaquim Amat-Piniella, señalando en particular su publicación parcial en una revista del exilio y un proyecto de publicación completa en Barcelona en 1948. La segunda parte intenta explicar el limitado éxito inicial de K.L. Reich por comparación con lo que sucedió con obras parecidas en otros países europeos, y en particular con Se questo è un uomo, de Primo Levi; se intenta mostrar que el anticomunismo de la guerra fría dejaba poco espacio para la memoria pública de los campos de concentración y que fue en los ambientes de la izquierda antifascista en los que ésta tendió a cultivarse.Palabras clave: Joaquim Amat-Piniella, Primo Levi, testimonios de los campos de concentración, recepción, guerra fría.Abstract: The present study considers some aspects of the remembrance of concentration camp experiences in the years immediately following World War II. The first part focuses on the publishing history of K.L. Reich, by Joaquim Amat-Piniella, pointing out specially its partial publication in France in 1945 and a project to publish the whole novel in Barcelona in 1948. The second part seeks to explain the limited success of K.L. Reich when it was first published, by considering what happened to similar works in other European countries and, in particular, Primo Levi's Se questo è un uomo. It argues that the anti-communism of the Cold War left little room for the public remembrance of the concentration camps and that it was the anti-fascist leftists who were most inclined to keep this memory alive. Keywords: Joaquim Amat-Piniella, Primo Levi, concentration camp testimonies, reception, Cold War.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document