scholarly journals II. Inquiries into the national dietary

1864 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 298-298

The paper contains an abstract of the scientific results of an inquiry which the author had undertaken for the Government into the exact dietary of large classes of the community, viz. agricultural labourers, cotton operatives, silk-weavers, needlewomen, shoemakers, stocking-weavers, and kidglovers. The inquiry in reference to the first class was extended to every county in England, to North and South Wales and Anglesea, to the West and North of Ireland, and to the West, North, and part of the South of Scotland, whilst in reference to the other classes it was prosecuted in the towns where they were congregated.

Author(s):  
Roger Ling ◽  
Paul Arthur ◽  
Georgia Clarke ◽  
Estelle Lazer ◽  
Lesley A. Ling ◽  
...  

The casa degli amanti (house of the lovers), at the south-west corner of the insula, falls into two fairly distinct halves: the atrium complex, oriented on the street to the west, and the peristyle with its surrounding rooms, oriented on the street to the south and on the property boundary to the east. In the atrium complex, the atrium is misplaced to the south of the central axis, allowing space for two large rooms to the north, one of which was possibly a shop or workshop (5.50 m. × 4.70 m.), with a separate entry from the street (I 10, 10), while the other (5.80 m. × 4.50 m.), decorated with mythological wallpaintings and provided with a wide opening on to the peristyle, must have been a dining-room or oecus (room 8). Each of these had a segmental vault rising from a height of about 3.50 m. at the spring to slightly over 4 m. at the crown. In the first the vault is missing, but the holes for some of its timbers are visible in the east wall and a groove along the north wall marks the seating for the planking attached to them; at a higher level, in the north and south walls, are the remains of beam-holes for the joists of the upper floor or attic (see below). The arrangements in room 8 are now obscured by the modern vault constructed to provide a surface for the reassembled fragments of the ceiling-paintings; but the shape of the vault is confirmed by the surviving plaster of the lunettes, while a beam-hole for the lowest of the vault-timbers is visible above the corner of the western lunette in an early photograph (Superintendency neg. C 1944). The shop I 10, 10 had a small window high in the street wall to the south of Its entrance; whether there were any additional windows above the entrance, it is impossible to say, since this part of the wall is a modern reconstruction. Room 8 was lit by a splayed window cut in the angle of the vault and the eastern lunette, opening into the upper storey of the peristyle.


1963 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 99-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. J. Wainwright

The distribution of Mesolithic sites in Wales is controlled to a great extent by the terrain, for physiographically, Wales is a highland block defined on three sides by the sea and for the greater part of the fourth side by a sharp break of slope. Geologically the Principality is composed almost entirely of Palaeozoic rocks, of which the 600-foot contour encloses more than three quarters of the total area. There are extensive regions above 1,500 feet and 2,000 feet and in the north the peaks of Snowdonia and Cader Idris rise to 3,560 feet and 2,929 feet respectively. Indeed North Wales consists of an inhospitable highland massif, skirted by a lowland plateau and cut deeply by river valleys, providing only limited areas for settlement. The hills and mountains of Snowdonia with their extension at lower altitudes into the Lleyn Peninsula, and the ranges of Moelwyn, Manod Mawr, Arenig Fach and Cader Idris, are discouraging obstacles to penetration, save for a short distance along the river valleys. To the east of these peaks are extensive tracts of upland plateau dissected by rivers, bounded on the west by the vale of the river Conway and cleft by the Vale of Clwyd. To the east of this valley lies the Clwydian Range and further again to the east these uplands descend with milder contours to the Cheshire and Shropshire plains.To the south the district merges into the uplands of Central Wales, which are continuous until they are replaced by the lowland belt of South Wales.


2018 ◽  
pp. 156-173
Author(s):  
Mary Weaks-Baxter

This chapter looks at the consequences of the inability to negotiate borders because of deeply entrenched narrative patterns that circle back upon themselves, perpetuating communal values that stoke division. The chapter examines the quintessential victim of the Southern Lost Cause—Faulkner’s Quentin Compson—who is a divided self because he left the South. He is even before he leaves Mississippi for Boston, “two separate Quentins,” one “preparing for Harvard in the South” and the other “still too young to deserve yet to be a ghost.” Through Quentin, Faulkner makes clear the dangers of divisions between black and white, between North and South, and the inability of Southerners to successfully navigate the psychological borderlands and leave behind the crushing past of the South. Faulkner’s Quentin is the most indelibly inked reminder of the consequences of border narratives gone awry and a warning of the harm of building walls and not bridges.


Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 351-354
Author(s):  
W. Percy Hedley

The Roman Fort of Borcovicium at Housesteads in Northumberland should need no introduction to anyone interested in archaeology. During the last year it has been brought into great prominence by being presented to the Nation by Mr John Maurice Clayton, and through its close proximity to the portion of Hadrian’s Wall recently threatened by quarrying operations.The fort at Housesteads was one of the earliest to be examined by British antiquaries, but although it has received so much attention its environs have been almost entirely disregarded. On both sides of the Military Way leading out of the west gateway was an extensive civil settlement, and traces of buildings can be seen on the south side of the fort. The hillside sloping to the southward is covered with the remains of early cultivations. These have generally been accepted as of Romano-British age. There are, however, two distinct systems of early cultivation. To the southwest of the fort there is a series of terraces running along the hillside, but on the southeast of the fort there are lynchets running north and south at regular interva up and down the hillside. From the hill to the south of Housesteads it can be clearly seen that where there is terrace cultivation it has been superimposed on the earlier system of lynchets, and this is also shown in air photographs.


1984 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gebru Tareke

Weyane was a spontaneous, localized peasant uprising with limited objectives. It occurred in 1943 because several disaffected social groups in the eastern part of Tigrai believed that they could defeat or at least extract substantial concessions from a weak transitional government. The multiplicity of objectives roughly correspond to the divergent interests of the participants: the sectarian nobility wanted a greater share in the regional reallocation of power, the semi-pastoral communities of the lowlands were interested in pre-empting feudal incorporation, and the highland cultivators wanted to terminate the excessive demands of officialdom and militia. The convergence of these forces made Weyane possible; the disorganization of the ruling strata and the subsequent defection of a segment of the territorial nobility enormously enhanced the peasants' capacity for collective action. But this very heterogeneity comprised the peasants' objectives. The revolt lacked a coherent set of goals, nor did it have a specific program for social action. The rebels attacked neither the legitimacy of the monarchy nor the ideological basis of the Ethiopian aristocracy. In the end, Weyane buttressed the feudal order, and was probably instrumental in strengthening Ethiopia's neo-colonial link with the West. In the aftermath of rebellion, the Tigrai nobility did get its rights and prerogatives recognized, to the same extent that the nobility in the other northern provinces did. The government undercut the nobility's political autonomy, but paid the price of reinforcing their social position. On the other hand, in reaction to Weyane, the state destroyed the social basis of clan authority and autonomy, and reduced the Raya and Azebo to landless peasants. Weyane marked the end of conflict between centrifugal and centralizing forces, but did not eliminate the social roots of popular protest.


1904 ◽  
Vol 1 (10) ◽  
pp. 504-505
Author(s):  
Edward Greenly

The bare and rocky hill known as Holyhead Mountain is of considerable interest in connection with recent geological events, standing as it does some thirty miles out from the highlands of Carnarvonshire into the Irish Sea Basin; and in such remarkable isolation, for it is much the highest of the five hills which rise above the general level of the platform of Anglesey.Its height is only 721 feet, but so strongly featured is it, especially towards the west, that one feels the term ‘mountain’ to be no misnomer, and can hardly believe it to be really lower than many of our smooth wolds and downs of Oolite and Chalk. Being composed, moreover, of white quartzite (or more properly of quartzite-schist), and being so bare of vegetation, it recalls much more vividly certain types of scenery in the Scottish Highlands than anything in those Welsh mountains that one sees from its sides. Towards the east it slopes at a moderate angle, but a little west of the summit it is traversed by a very strong feature, due to a fault, running nearly north and south, along which is a line of great crags, facing west, and prolonged northwards into the still greater sea cliffs towards the North Stack. Beyond this the land still remains high, but is smoother in outline, a somewhat softer series of rocks extending from the fault to the South Stack, where the high moors end off in great cliffs above the sea.


1950 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-113
Author(s):  
Adolf Sturmthal

The departure of the French Socialists from the government early in 1950, even though they returned in a few months, marked the end of a stage of postwar history in Europe. For the first time since liberation France was governed by a coalition in which the Socialists were no longer represented. At the same time the Socialists were in the opposition in Belgiumand Western Germany as well and limited to little influence upon the Italian and Swiss governments. Austria, Great Britain, and Scandinavia were the only countries in which the Socialists are strongly represented in their governments. Roughly speaking then, Europe is divided into three zones according to the degree of power of democratic socialism: Eastern Europe—bordered on the West by a line running from Trieste to Lübeck—where the democratic Socialist parties have been absorbed by the Communist parties; Northwestern Europe—Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries (Norway, Sweden, Denmark)—under predominant Socialist influence; and the rest of Continental Europe where the the Socialists are a more or less powerful opposition group. Spain and Portugal in the South and Greece and Turkey in the Southeast are left outside ofthe scope of our study owing to the peculiar and non-democratic structure of these countries.


1963 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 53-67
Author(s):  
W. G. Forrest

The plains of Pyrgi, Kalamoti, and Dotia, in the south-east corner of Chios, form a single geographic unit, bounded in the east by the hills which run inland from the promontory of Agridia, in the west by the low range of Kampia, Aradhopetra, and Kakopetria, and in the north by the more formidable barrier of the central mountains of the island. In them there are traces of several ancient sites, at Pindakas, Dotia, and elsewhere, but these appear to have been little more than isolated farmhouses or small sanctuaries and it is almost certain that most of the inscriptions from the area came originally from the major sites at Emporio and Phanai. From these they have been transported, some as far as Chios town, most to other local sites, to country churches or to the medieval towns of Pyrgi and Kalamoti. In many cases it is now impossible to trace their origin (even those which have reached the comparative safety of the Museum are often without record of their provenance), and it would therefore be pointless to try to isolate the inscriptions of any one ancient centre. For this reason I have collected here, in addition to the few inscriptions discovered in the British School excavations at Emporio, all the other material known to have been found in the area. For convenience I reproduce all but the most accessible texts in full. Generally it has been possible to check earlier readings on the stone (in which case the text is my own without any note of alterations unless they are significant); those which I have not seen are marked with an asterisk.


Polar Record ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 11 (73) ◽  
pp. 394-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. W. Holdgate

The South Sandwich Islands lie between lats. 56° 18′ S. and 59° 28′ S., and between longs. 26° 14′ W., and 28° 11′ W. There are eleven islands, of which ten form a curved chain stretching north and south while the eleventh, Leskov Island, lies to the west of the group near its northern end. The group is the only typical volcanic island arc in the Antarctic region and forms the easternmost section of the Scotia Arc; to the east it is bounded by the associated deep South Sandwich Trench.


1836 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 165-188

This province, the government of which is now administered by the British, formed in ancient times the greater part of the principality, or fiefship, of the Sétu-pattis, the chiefs or guardians of the passage leading from the continent of India to the island of Ráméswara, and thence to the opposite coast of Ceylon, called Ráma's Bridge, or Adam's Bridge. These chieftains, dating their authority from the period of the establishment of a place of pilgrimage on the island of Ráméswara, by the Great Ráma, claim an antiquity even higher than that of the Pándyans, or kings of Madura, but to whom, it would appear, that they were, in general, tributary, though now and then asserting and maintaining their independence. Of their history, however, we are not now to speak, but of the province as it was in the year 1814, when the data were taken from which chiefly the following account is compiled. It lies between the ninth and tenth degrees of north latitude, and the seventy-eighth and seventy-ninth of east longitude; is bounded on the north by the provinces of Tanjore and Pudukotta, on the south and east by the sea, and on the west by the districts of Tinnevelly, Madura, and Sivaganga; and comprehends an area of nearly two thousand five hundred square miles. Its general aspect is that of high and low lands, the latter having numerous artificial lakes, constructed for the purpose of promoting cultivation; the former exhibiting a variety of dry grain-fields, while the northern districts abound with extensive groves of Palmyra trees, with scarcely a vestige of jungle. The whole is divided into seventeen districts, comprising one thousand six hundred and sixtyeight towns and principal and subordinate villages, with a population, at the period to which we allude, of about one hundred and fifty-seven thousand.


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