Muslim Brotherhood will struggle to recover in Egypt

Significance Cairo’s aversion to political Islam has seen it dismantle the aging leadership of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood (MB), most of whom are either dead, in prison or scattered. The remaining members are divided, with many taking a highly critical view of the MB’s activities during the one-year presidency of Mohammed Morsi. Impacts Poor economic management has led to growing resentment from Egypt’s poor and those outside the political and military elite. The government will continue to force media to adopt state-sanctioned positions and terminology when reporting on the MB. The MB threat allows the authorities to repress public dissatisfaction with the economy or other state functions and responsibilities.

Significance Canada's opposition parties are engaged in protracted, 18-month contests to elect their next leaders, who will challenge Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and the governing Liberals in the 2019 federal election. With Trudeau passing the one-year mark in office, many of both parties' most prominent figures are sitting the races out, judging Trudeau's electoral position unassailable. However, once the leadership contests gain momentum, they will reveal important political and policy splits that could offer early indications of Trudeau's prospects for re-election. Impacts The governing Liberals will legislate mostly unchallenged at the federal level. However, provincial premiers may be a source of more robust opposition to Trudeau's policy agenda. The internal divisions in the NDP may diminish the political clout of labour unions in Ottawa. A pro-business centrist Conservative leader could alienate social conservatives and shake loose a splinter movement.


Significance Almost two years on from Morsi's removal from office in 2013 mainstream Islamist movements in the region find themselves caught between an authoritarian crackdown led by Egypt and the Gulf on the one hand, and the sudden rise of Islamic State group (ISG) on the other. With political participation discredited, these two pressures are forcing Muslim Brotherhood-inspired movements to revise ideology and strategy as they compete to maintain and expand their constituencies. Impacts Mainstream Islamists will remain a significant political force in the region, but take years to regroup. Long-term stability will depend on allowing non-violent Islamists access to the political sphere. Younger Islamists will be increasingly attracted to radical ideologies. Egypt's slide into a more oppressive police state will continue. Saudi Arabia has put aside differences with Qatar and Turkey over political Islam for now -- but the dispute could resurface.


Significance Her comments hint at the political difficulties facing the one-year-old NLD-led administration in 2017. Impacts Myanmar holds 19 by-elections on April 1, which will measure the NLD’s popularity. Government support for the military will aid civil-military ties but alienate minorities and democratic activists. International pressure over the Rohingya controversy will mount. Only modest progress is likely on the ethnic peace process this year, which will frustrate Beijing. The NLD could face a challenge from a new political party on the left in 2020.


2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-82
Author(s):  
Maksim Rykov ◽  
Ivan Turabov ◽  
Yuriy Punanov ◽  
Svetlana Safonova

Background: St. Petersburg is a city of federal importance with a large number of primary patients, identified annually. Objective: analysis of the main indicators characterizing medical care for children with cancer in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region. Methods: The operative reports for 2013-2017 of the Health Committee of the Government of St. Petersburg and the Health Committee of the Leningrad Region were analyzed. Results. In 2013-2017 in the Russian Federation, 18 090 primary patients were identified, 927 (5.1%) of them in the analyzed subjects: in St. Petersburg - 697 (75,2%), in the Leningrad Region - 230 (24,8%). For 5 years, the number of primary patients increased in St. Petersburg - by 36%, in the Leningrad Region - by 2,5%. The incidence increased in St. Petersburg by 18,1% (from 14,9 in 2013 to 17,6 in 2017 per 100 000 of children aged 0-17). The incidence in the Leningrad Region fell by 4.9% (from 14.4 in 2013 to 13.7 in 2017). Mortality in 2016-2017 in St. Petersburg increased by 50% (from 2 to 3), in the Leningrad Region - by 12,5% (from 2,4 to 2,7). The one-year mortality rate in St. Petersburg increased by 3,9% (from 2,5 to 6,4%). In the Leningrad Region, the one-year mortality rate decreased from 6,5% in 2016 to 0 in 2017. The number of pediatric oncological beds did not change in St. Petersburg (0,9 per 10,000 children aged 0-17 years) and the Leningrad Region (0). In St. Petersburg patients were not identified actively in 2016-2017; in the Leningrad Region their percentage decreased from 8,7 to 0. The number of oncologists increased in St. Petersburg from 0,09 to 0.12 (+33,3%), in the Leningrad Region - from 0 to 0,03. Conclusion: Morbidity in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region is significantly different, which indicates obvious defects in statistical data. Patients were not identified during routine preventive examinations which indicate a low oncologic alertness of district pediatric physicians. Delivery of medical care for children with cancer and the statistical data accumulation procedures should be improved.


Significance The region’s current tax and spending policies redistribute very little. The COVID-19 pandemic brought a deep and persistent recession, despite new spending, tax cuts and monetary easing aimed at limiting the damage. In December, the government of Argentina, which was particularly hard hit, passed a temporary (and additional) net wealth tax on the very richest households. Impacts OECD-led transparency efforts offer the long-sought possibility of taxing the foreign assets of wealthy Latin Americans. The pandemic will increase both existing inequalities and the need for tax revenues to finance social welfare and stimulus spending. Efforts to strengthen tax collection more broadly will likely be undertaken by governments across the political spectrum.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
István Lükő

A cikk a szakképzési törvény megjelenésének 25. évfordulója alkalmából rendezett „25 éves a szakképzési törvény - Korszakos változások - új irányok” című konferencia előadása alapján készült, amelyet a szerző vezette Az első szakképzési törvény gazdasági- társadalmi környezete nemzetközi kitekintésbe című Panel keretében tartott.Ez a negyedszázados esemény a társadalmi-gazdasági szinten zajló rendszerváltás fontos része volt a másik két oktatási alrendszer törvényi szabályozásával együtt.Az írás ezt a korszakot, illetve a törvényhez kapcsolódó gazdasági-társadalmi környezetet mutatja be nemzetközi kontextusban.A téma elvi-elméleti felvezetéseként a szerző áttekinti a különböző szempontok és léptékek szerinti szakképzési modelleket, amelyek a világban fellelhetők. The government formed after the political events in 1989 considered the comprehensive transformation of the educational system, primarily by legal regulation, as one of their main tasks. After years of preparation, the three acts on education were passed in 1993, including the Act on VET. Several documents, e.g. the National Qualification Registry, are connected to this law; in this article I have undertaken to examine these connections and to make comparisons to other countries. On the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the law taking effect, on May 5th 2018 the Hungarian Association for Pedagogy and the Teacher Training Centre of the BME organized a monumental conference titled The Law on VET becomes 25 years old – Epochal changes – new directions in Budapest at the BME. After the plenary sessions, five panels were held – I was the moderator of the one titled: The socio-economic environment of the first VET act in an international dimension, and I held a short lecture here with a similar title. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Marin Pop ◽  

"This study aims to highlight the activity of the Cluj County Branch of the Romanian National Party (hereafter abbreviated as RNP) in the spring of 1920, covering the events from the fall of the government led by Alexandru Vaida–Voevod until the end of the parliamentary elections of May–June 1920. After the Great Union, the city of Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania, especially after the Ruling Council, which was the provisional executive body of Transylvania, moved its headquarters from Sibiu to Cluj. Iuliu Maniu, the President of the Ruling Council and of the R.N.P, who was elected at the Sibiu Conference of 9–10 August 1919, had settled in Cluj as well. Moreover, at the head of Cluj County Branch of the RNP were personalities with a rich history of struggle for the cause of National Liberation of the Romanians in Transylvania: Iuliu Coroianu, Emil Hațieganu, Aurel Socol, Sever Dan, Alexandru Rusu, Ioan Giurgiu, the Archpriest Ioan Pop of Morlaca, and the Priest‑Martyr Aurel Muntean from Huedin. After the dismissal of the Vaida government, the Central Executive Committee of the RNP convened a party congress for 24 April 1920, in Alba Iulia. Just before the congress, the Cluj County organization had started the election campaign. Meetings were organized in every town and village, aiming to elect representatives for the Congress in Alba Iulia. On 21 April 1920, a large assembly was held in Cluj, during which the deputies of Cluj presented their work in Parliament. Simultaneously, delegates were elected for the Congress of Alba Iulia. The RNP Congress adopted a draft resolution and the governing bodies were elected. Iuliu Maniu was re‑elected as President. Based on the decisions adopted at the Great National Assembly of Alba Iulia on 1 December 1918, he adopted a working program, which was summarized in thirteen chapters. During the electoral campaign of 1920 two major political groups became polar opposites: the one around the People’s Party, which was in power, and the parties that formed the Parliamentary Bloc and had governed before. On the list of candidates of the Cluj County Branch of the RNP we can mostly find the former MPs of the party, as well as those who had filled various leadership positions within the Ruling Council. Following the electoral process, despite all the efforts of the People’s Party, in power at that time – especially those of Octavian Goga – to dispel the propaganda conducted by the RNP, the latter party managed to obtain 27 seats in the House and 14 in the Senate. This placed the RNP in second place among Romania’s political parties. The Cluj County Branch of the RNP was able to win two of the five electoral districts in the Chamber, as well as two in the Senate, out of the three allocated to the county. Another conclusion would be that, starting from these parliamentary elections, more and more parties from the Old Kingdom penetrated into Transylvania and Banat. They would achieve some success with the voters only when they came to hold power in the state and organize elections. Still, the RNP remained the party with the largest grip on the electorate of Transylvania and Banat, and Cluj became the political capital of Transylvania."


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-139
Author(s):  
Behramand Durrani ◽  
◽  
Riffat Alam

This present study analyzes the role played by the media during the controversy between Government of Pakistan and its Supreme Court in 2012. This study is particularly focused on the issues pertinent to the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO) case. It employed content analysis as research study and quantitatively examined the columns in the Pakistani newspapers; including, Dawn and Daily Jang for the one year time period in the year 2012. A conflicting relationship has been found between the government and judiciary concerning the National reconciliation ordinance (NRO). It was concluded that Dawn and Daily Jang, both newspapers, follow the same agenda about the NRO issue as both of these newspapers offered negative coverage of this issue. Compared to Jang, Dawn was more inclined to the negative framing of judiciary, and Jang was inclined to the negative reporting of government performance. Hence, the Pakistani Print media has framed the issues negatively between the government and the judiciary. Frequent negative slants were observed in Urdu newspaper as compared to English newspaper.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Wang-Kaeding ◽  
Malte Philipp Kaeding

Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to recount the scale, composition and agents of red capital in Hong Kong; second, to conceptualise the peculiarity of red capital; and third, to explore the impact of red capital on the political and economic institutional setup in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The paper consults the comparative capitalism literature to conceptualise the phenomenon of red capital. The paper gathers data from Hong Kong Stock Exchange and indices to provide an overview of red capital. Furthermore, the case study of 2016 Legislative Election is deployed to investigate the mechanisms of red capital’s influence. The paper concludes with a summary of how red capital may challenge the validity of the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Findings This paper argues that red capital replicates China’s state–capital nexus in Hong Kong and morphs the game of competition in favour of Chinese nationally controlled companies. In tandem with the emerging visibility of the party–state in Hong Kong’s economic sphere, the authors observe attempts of Chinese economic actors to compromise democratic institutions, deemed obstacles to state control. Originality/value This paper is the first attempt to systematically embed the discussion of red capital into comparative capitalism literature. This study provides conceptual tools to examine why red capital could pose a threat to liberal societies such as Hong Kong. Through this paper, we introduce a novel research agenda to scrutinise capital from authoritarian states and investigate how the capital is changing the political infrastructure shaped by liberal principles and values.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Ayyaz Qadeer ◽  
Wasima Shehzad

The present study presents a critical view of the speech delivered on May 09, 2011 by the prime-minister of Pakistan, Yousuf Raza Gillani. Following the language of the political discourse, this speech is delivered in the parliament house in front of the speaker, but is meant for the masses. The position of the speaker remains uniform as the questions are asked in the end alone. However, the speech is meant for both the addressee present at the time of the speech, and the assumed masses. It was found out the pronouns we, our, were constantly used to shift the responsibility on Al-Qaida whereas “I” was used for authority in order to digress the discussion from the topic. The pronouns and the vocabulary together establish the in-group or out-group category. The solidarity is shown towards the masses to get their support and defense is shown towards the allies who are accusing the government of fraud and nefarious ploy. Mystification is performed at a number of places to hide truth and claim the truth alternatively.


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