scholarly journals Hong Kong as a property jurisdiction

2020 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice K.-C. Yip

Purpose This study aims to explore how urban governance of Hong Kong is impacted by the formulation and implementation of the new constitutional order of “one country, two systems” that distinguishes between the British colonial government and the current government under Chinese sovereignty. Design/methodology/approach While the literature recognises the society of Hong Kong has been heavily relying on land and property activities, few attempts notice the uniqueness of Hong Kong’s sequential constitutional orders and its relations to those activities. This study presents a geographical enquiry and an archival study to illustrate the spatiality of the new constitutional order and its implications on land injustice. Drawing from the works of legal geography and urban studies, this study extends and clarifies Anne Haila’s conception of Hong Kong as “property state” to “property jurisdiction”. Findings Though common law and leasehold land system were perpetuated from the colonial period, the new constitutional order changed their practices and the underlying logic and ideology. The urban governance order of this property jurisdiction is intended for prosperity and stability of the society, and for the economic benefit and territorial integrity claim of the Chinese sovereignty. Originality/value This study enriches the literature of Hong Kong studies in three major areas, namely, the relationship with China, urban governance and land injustice. It offers a conceptual discussion, which contributes to comparative territorial autonomies studies. It also contributes to legal geography by providing insights beyond the western liberal democracy model.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sum Yeung

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to study the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades and examine its challenges and prospect. One country two systems is pragmatic and compromise principle and social arrangement for Hong Kong under China sovereignty. It has served to resolve some issues related to the future of Hong Kong after the end of British Colonial rule since July 1, 1997. There are lessons to be learnt as the merits and flaws of the system have been identified in the study as perceived from the perspective of social development. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on quantitative methodology. Data of public opinion polls conducted by various local universities on the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong have been employed in the study. Based on the data obtained from the relevant survey, different aspects of social development of Hong Kong under one country two systems has been examined and explored. Data are current and up-to-date to reflect the social mood of Hong Kong people toward one country two systems over the years. Findings The challenges and prospect of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades since the change of sovereignty have been identified in this paper. Hong Kong has remained the moist free market and the third financial center in the world. However, the high degree of self-autonomy as stipulated in the Basic Law has been fading way. There is social discontent of Hong Kong people on social and political grounds and there are high sense of mistrust to both Hong Kong SAR (HKSAR) government and the Central government in Beijing. This will provide a guideline to the government for improving the situation. Research limitations/implications The study is based on data obtained from various public opinion conducted by several local university on the development of one country two systems and how Hong Kong people feel about it. The data are current and up-to-date. However, there will be variation of findings as social mood and perception of Hong Kong people toward one country two systems may change due to the changes of social and political events. With these limitations, one needs to be careful while drawing the conclusion. Yet, the over trend of social development of Hong Kong can be seen. Practical implications The study will provide an overall view and assessment of one country two systems of Hong Kong over two decades after the change of sovereignty since July 1, 1997. The findings and discussion of social mobility, quality of life, income disparity, social and political movement and ethnic identity and its changes in recent years of people in Hong Kong are rather revealing. It will provide a reality check and yardstick for people who are concerned about Hong Kong society and its people under China sovereignty. Social implications The study and its findings will provide a useful guideline for people who are concerned about how Hong Kong people live under China sovereignty. Hong Kong to most of Hong Kong people is on longer a borrow place living under the borrowed time. The former British Colonial rule has been replaced by HKSAR government rule under China sovereignty. There is a high degree of mistrust toward both HKSAR government and the Central government in Beijing. People in Hong Kong keep fighting for democracy and high degree of self-autonomy. Hence, Hong Kong is still a free and open society under China sovereignty. Originality/value The paper contributes an original study on the development of one country two systems of Hong Kong under China sovereignty as perceived from the perspective of social development. There are important findings on social mobility, income disparity and issues of ethnic identity of Hong Kong people. The lessons of Hong Kong will provide an interesting case for people who care concerned about how people living in a former British colony has transformed the society into a thriving civil society under China sovereignty.



2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384
Author(s):  
Chung Fun Steven Hung

Purpose After direct elections were instituted in Hong Kong and the sovereignty was transferred from Britain to China, politicization inevitably followed democratization. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the pro-democratic political parties’ politics in Hong Kong in recent history. Design/methodology/approach The research was conducted through a historical comparative analysis, within the context of Hong Kong after the sovereignty handover and the interim period of crucial democratization. Findings With the implementation of “One country, Two systems,” political democratization was hindered in Hong Kong’s transformation. The democratic forces have no alternative but to seek more radicalized politics, which has caused a decisive and ineluctable fragmentation of the local political parties. Originality/value This paper explores and evaluates the political history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under “One country, Two systems” and the ways in which the limited democratization hinders the progress of Hong Kong’s transformation.



2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wennan Zhang ◽  
Kai Kang ◽  
Ray Y. Zhong

PurposeThis paper proposes an evaluation model for prefabricated construction to guide a supply chain with controllable costs. Prefabricated construction is prevalent due to area limitations. Nevertheless, the development is limited by budget control and identifying the factors affecting cost. The degree of close collaboration in the supply chain is closely interconnected with cost performance that includes direct and indirect factors. This paper not only quantizes these factors but also distinguishes the degree of influence of various factors.Design/methodology/approachSystem dynamics is applied to simulate and analyze the construction cost factors through Vensim software. It can also clarify the relationship between cost and other influencing factors. The input data are collected from an Internet of Things (IoT)-enabled system under a Building Information Modeling (BIM) system and Hong Kong government reports.FindingsSimulation results indicate that prefabricated construction cost is mainly influenced by government promotion degree (GPD), working pressure from on-site construction (WPOSC), prefab quality (PQ), load-bearing capacity per vehicle (LBPV) and mold quality (MQ). However, it is more sensitive toward GPD, which indicates that the government should take measures to promote this construction technology. On-site worker management is also essential for the assembly process and indirectly influences the construction cost.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper quantifies indirect influential factors to clarify the specific features for prefabricated construction. The investigated factors are limited.Practical implicationsThe contractor can identify all factors and classify the levels of influence to make decisions under the supply chain system boundary.Social implicationsThe input data are collected from an IoT-enabled system under a BIM system and Hong Kong government reports. Thus, the relationship between construction cost influential factors can be investigated.Originality/valueThis paper quantifies indirect influencing factors and clarifies the specific features in prefabricated construction. The contractor could identify these factors to make decisions and classify the levels of influence under the supply chain system boundary.



2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-81
Author(s):  
Andry Indrady

The Bureaucratic System of the Immigration Department of Hong Kong SAR is one of the legacies from British Colonial Government seen from legal and also immigration bureaucratic perspectives reflect the executive power domination over immigration policymaking. This is understandable since Hong Kong SAR adopts “Administrative State Model” which means Immigration Officer as a bureaucrat holds significant roles at both stages of policymaking and also its implementation. This research looks at transition period of the Immigration Department and its policies since the period of handover of Hong Kong SAR from the British Government to the Government of China especially throughout the concern from the public including academics about the future of immigration policies made by the Department that arguably from colonial to current being used as political and control tools to safeguard the interest of the Ruler. This situation ultimately will question the existence of Hong Kong SAR as one of the International Hub in the Era of Millennium.  



2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Yu

PurposeThis study examines the relationship between quality and quantity of open space in residential areas and the sense of community of Chinese older adults in Hong Kong.Design/methodology/approachA survey was conducted with 257 adults aged 55 and over in Kwun Tong, Hong Kong. The quality of open space was assessed from four dimensions: social and recreational facilities, entrance, location and environment. Geographic information system (GIS) was used to evaluate the quantity of open space in terms of size and amount.FindingsThe result shows that the environment has a strong influence on the sense of community, while the quantity of open space does not. The results provide urban planners with evidence for open space planning in the future. Urban planners should consider building more people-oriented environment; such as green areas instead of merely increasing the size, amount and facilities of open space. The Hong Kong Government also needs to review the current standardised planning guideline in order to maximise the social connection of older adults.Originality/valueThis cross-sectional study tried to understand the relationship between the quality and quantity of open spaces and sense of community in Chinese older adults in Hong Kong. It is one of the few studies to simultaneously examine both the quality and quantity of open spaces when studying its relationship with sense of community.



2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-148
Author(s):  
Wai Kwok Benson Wong

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explain how post-1997 Hong Kong has been perceived in Taiwan and to critically evaluate the demonstration effects of Hong Kong under the “One Country, Two Systems” policy on cross-strait relations. Design/methodology/approach “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” has become a dominant discourse in cross-strait relations in recent years. The paper has adopted discourse analysis of selected texts during and after the 2014 Sunflower Movement to elucidate the disapproval of the developments of post-handover Hong Kong and the construction of the Movement’s self-identity. Findings It has observed the following arguments which shaped the prevailing perceptions among critics of the “One Country, Two Systems” policy: political infiltration of China in Hong Kong could be extended to Taiwan in the sense that the Beijing authorities would adopt the identical approach to manipulate Taiwan through the cross-strait trading agreements; negative perceptions and images of China and Chinese capitals as a collective aggressor and a threat, raising fear and worries in both Hong Kong and Taiwan; and Kuomintang, as a ruling party at that time under the leadership of President Ma Ying-jeoh, was dismissed by protesters as an incompetent gatekeeper and defender of Taiwan’s interests. Originality/value The pervasive sentiments and perceptions about post-1997 Hong Kong has been articulated discursively by the young activists in Taiwan and Hong Kong into a statement – “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” – which has brought about a somewhat unexpected bonding effect between Hong Kong and Taiwan through a strong disapproval of “One Country, Two Systems” and the China factor, which has be reproduced, delivered and circulated in both societies since 2014.



2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Wang-Kaeding ◽  
Malte Philipp Kaeding

Purpose The purpose of this paper is threefold: first, to recount the scale, composition and agents of red capital in Hong Kong; second, to conceptualise the peculiarity of red capital; and third, to explore the impact of red capital on the political and economic institutional setup in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach The paper consults the comparative capitalism literature to conceptualise the phenomenon of red capital. The paper gathers data from Hong Kong Stock Exchange and indices to provide an overview of red capital. Furthermore, the case study of 2016 Legislative Election is deployed to investigate the mechanisms of red capital’s influence. The paper concludes with a summary of how red capital may challenge the validity of the “One Country, Two Systems” framework. Findings This paper argues that red capital replicates China’s state–capital nexus in Hong Kong and morphs the game of competition in favour of Chinese nationally controlled companies. In tandem with the emerging visibility of the party–state in Hong Kong’s economic sphere, the authors observe attempts of Chinese economic actors to compromise democratic institutions, deemed obstacles to state control. Originality/value This paper is the first attempt to systematically embed the discussion of red capital into comparative capitalism literature. This study provides conceptual tools to examine why red capital could pose a threat to liberal societies such as Hong Kong. Through this paper, we introduce a novel research agenda to scrutinise capital from authoritarian states and investigate how the capital is changing the political infrastructure shaped by liberal principles and values.



2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kin Sun Chan ◽  
Yeung Fai Philip Siu

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the effectiveness of urban renewal policy by comparing urban renewal in Hong Kong with that undertaken in Macao. Design/methodology/approach – This study reviews the concepts of urban renewal in the two cities and examines related policies in Hong Kong and Macao. Findings – The study finds that the emphasis of urban renewal policy rests on the principles of self-financing, holistic planning and public-private partnerships. In order to deal with urban renewal issues, the Chinese Government has adopted a “People First, District-based, Public Participatory” approach based on public engagement and, to this end, it has introduced various measures, such as the District Urban Renewal Forum and the Urban Renewal Trust Fund. However, compared with Hong Kong, Macao’s efforts at urban renewal policies have been disjointed and piecemeal. Originality/value – The study adopts the principle of public management and compares the two cities’ urban policies to highlight the importance of both government leadership and public engagement for successful urban renewal.



Facilities ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (1/2) ◽  
pp. 76-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Esther H.K. Yung ◽  
Edwin H.W. Chan

Purpose – This study aims to evaluate the relationship between the major factors of social value and the willingness to pay amount for conserving a historic site, using Hong Kong as a case study of a dense urban city with immense tension between conservation and development. It also evaluates, in monetary terms, the social values, which are almost impossible to measure in built heritage conservation. Design/methodology/approach – It adopts evaluation ratings and the contingent valuation method to estimate Hong Kong citizens’ willingness to pay (WTP) for the conservation of the Central Police Station compound. Findings – The results of 256 surveys suggest that the extent to which the historic site can provide a “sense of place and identity”, “social inclusion” and “community participation” is positively correlated to the WTP amount. The respondents’ satisfaction with the new use of the site, their work location and education level affected the amount they were willing to contribute to the conservation project. The reasons given for not being willing to contribute were also analysed to provide insights for cultural heritage policy. Originality/value – The findings provide an enhanced understanding of the relationship between the major factors of social value and the WTP amount. This study proposes a partial tool to elicit the non-market value of heritage site which should be supplemented with experts’ evaluation to assist decision-making. It enhances public participation, particularly in the public–private partnership model of heritage conservation. Thus, it provides valuable insights for policymakers and planners to understand the public’s perception on the value of heritage conservation in cities facing immense redevelopment pressures.



2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray Yep

Purpose This paper aims to uncover the trajectory of the anti-corruption effort of the Hong Kong colonial Government by identifying its general approach of denial in the pre-War years. It highlights the path-dependence nature, as well as the path-creation logic of the policy process of anti-corruption reform and the anxiety of the colonial administration in maintaining trust of the local population in the post-War years. These insights should enhance the general understanding of the nature of colonial governance. Design/methodology/approach This paper is primarily based on archival materials available at the British National Archives and Hong Kong Public Records Office. Findings The paper intends to go before the “Great Man narrative” in explaining the success of the anti-corruption effort in colonial Hong Kong. Whilst the colonial government was fully aware of the endemic of corruption and the substantial involvement of European officers, she was still cocooned with the misguided belief that the core of the administration was mostly “incorruptible”. The Air Raid Precaution Department scandal in 1941 was, however, a powerful wake-up that rendered the denial and self-illusion no longer defensible. The policy ideas of the 1940s did shape the Prevention of Corruption Ordinance 1948 and other related reforms, yet they were not immediately translated into fundamental changes in the institutional set-up of the anti-graft campaign. The limitations of these half-hearted measures were fully exposed in the coming decades. The cumulative effects of the piecemeal anti-graft efforts of the colonial government over the first century of rule, however, did path the way for the “revolutionary” changes in the 1970s under Murray MacLehose. Originality/value This is a highly original piece based on under-explored archival materials. The findings should have a major contribution to the scholarship on the nature of colonial governance and the history of anti-corruption efforts of Hong Kong.



Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document