Family Size, Satisfaction, and Productivity in Dual-Career Couples

1978 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebecca Bryson ◽  
Jeff B. Bryson ◽  
Marilyn F. Johnson

Responses by 196 couples—in which both spouses were members of the American Psychological Association—to a series of questions regarding domestic satisfaction, job satisfaction, and productivity were examined as a function of years since final degree and number of children in the family. There were consistent differences between the sexes in responses to these questions, indicating that wives were less satisfied and less productive than husbands in these couples. However, prior differences between groups in age, years since final degree, and rate of full-time employment disallowed any meaningful interpretations of these differences. Family size was found to influence satisfaction with time available for domestic activities, job, and avocations. Significant interactions indicated that these effects were more severe for the wife than for the husband, indicating that wives in dual-career couples bear a disproportionate share of the burden for child care. Influences of family size on satisfaction with rate of advancement and freedom to set long-term career goals were also noted.

Author(s):  
Gabor Forgacs ◽  
Sara Dolnicar

Contingent (just-in-time, or gig) employment is on the rise in tourism and hospitality. People in contingent employment are not offered long-term contracts, but are called upon when needed. This chapter explores whether peer-to-peer accommodation networks are part of the problem or part of the solution. They create new challenges by increasing the competitive pressure on the established commercial sector, which leads to a reduction in jobs and a conversion of full-time to contingent employment. But they also offer new employment opportunities: without entry barriers, people can earn additional income by renting out spare space, and other opportunities – especially for a workforce trained in hospitality – are emerging as listing managers for hosts. These jobs may be particularly suitable to people traditionally struggling with full-time employment arrangements.


Blood ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Storb ◽  
ED Thomas ◽  
CD Buckner ◽  
RA Clift ◽  
A Fefer ◽  
...  

Abstract Eleven of twenty-four patients with severe aplastic anemia given marrow grafts from HLA-identical siblings between October 1970 and March 1973 are alive with normal marrow function and continued evidence of engraftment 3–5 yr later. Ten have been leading normal lives with no immunosuppressive or other drug therapy since day 100 postgrafting. One has had chronic graft-versus-host disease of the skin which is now slowly improving with no therapy. He returned to full-time employment in the summer of 1975. The long-term well-being of almost half of our initial patients emphasizes the importance of marrow transplantation for the treatment of severe aplastic anemia.


1980 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-10
Author(s):  
Jon Stene

For family data where some of the children may have a certain inherited disorder, the number of affected children has usually been assumed to be binomially distributed given the total number of children in the family. In this assumption is included the assumption that the distribution of the total number of children does not depend on the probability that a child is affected. For many disorders this assumption is unlikely to hold because the birth of an affected child may lead either to some sort of family limitation or to some sort of overcompensation. In such cases models other than the binomial distribution have to be used.


2005 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 899-923 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith R. Gordon ◽  
Karen S. Whelan-Berry

This article presents an exploratory study that furthers our understanding of the functioning of two-career couples at midlife and, in particular, our understanding of the husband’s contributions to family and household activities. More specifically, it addresses the following questions regarding dual-career couples: (a) Whose career has precedence? (b) What is the nature of the husband’s contributions to the family and household? and (c) What types of support result? This study is part of a larger research project that focuses on the professional and personal lives of a group of midlife professional women who were married, had children, and had enduring careers. The results presented here describe the women’s perceptions of support (or lack of support) provided by their spouses in their family and household. It discusses the implications of such support for family functioning and for the ability of midlife women to pursue full-time careers.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paul Callister

<p>Despite a period of dramatic job loss from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s, long-term employment data do not support the view that paid work has been disappearing from the New Zealand economy. However, the distribution of work for people aged 25-59 has been changing. In particular, between 1986 and 1996 there was a strong decline in full-time employment of prime-aged men, along with a decline in full-time employment amongst young people. In 1986, just over a tenth of prime-aged men were either not in paid work or worked part time. By 1996, this had increased to a quarter. While most of the changes in male employment were driven by shifts in labour demand, a small group of men actively chose to reduce their hours of work or to have breaks from paid work. In the decade 1986 to 1996, formal educational qualifications became a more powerful predictor of a person's employment status. In particular, by the early 1990s, prime-aged men and women without a formal educational qualification faced major disadvantages in the labour market. In contrast, the variable of gender, while still very important, weakened as a predictor of employment status. Employment data also show that there was some shift away from "standard" weekly hours of paid work for prime-aged people between 1986 and 1996. For both men and women, there was some growth in the proportion who worked very short hours as well as an increase in the proportion working 50 or more hours per week. Some of this appears to have taken place by choice, but some due to changing demands by employers. Employment status also has some association with living arrangement for prime-aged men. However, while employed men were far more likely to live in a couple than men not in work at both the beginning and end of the main period studied, this relationship weakened. In 1986, education had little predictive power regarding male living arrangements. However, by 1996, its importance had increased. Assortative mating patterns mean that couples tend to be education-rich or education-poor. However, the concentration of education within particular couples changed little over the decade. There was a shift within prime-aged couples and households to either work-poor or work-rich status between 1986 and 1996. In 1996, just under a fifth of prime-aged households were work-poor. The significant growth in the proportion of work-poor couples and households took place in the period of job loss between 1986 and 1991. While the strong employment growth in the economy in the next five years increased the proportion of work-rich households it only marginally reduced the proportion of work-poor households. In the 1990s, education-poor couples were over-represented amongst prime-aged work-poor couples. Yet, the New Zealand data suggest that a wide range of other factors influence the growth of this family type. This includes health issues and barriers to employment amongst well-qualified immigrants. The reasons behind the growth of work-rich couples are also complex. They include push factors such as well-educated women increasingly wanting to have a long-term attachment to the labour force, through to pull factors of women obtaining work to supplement family income in the face of declining male income. On a geographic area basis, the data does show that in the 1990s there were extremes of work-rich and work-poor residential areas. In addition, using various measures, the proportion of work-poor areas increased between 1986 and 1996. There was also a small, but important, group of area units that remained work-poor for the ten years studied. A significant proportion of long-term work-poor areas were also classified as "deprived". Finally, the rapid rise in educational attainment over the last decade was unevenly spread on a geographic basis. While there remain many communities where there is a wide mixture of education levels amongst the residents, the spatial clustering of similarly qualified (or unqualified) people is important in New Zealand.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paul Callister

<p>Despite a period of dramatic job loss from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s, long-term employment data do not support the view that paid work has been disappearing from the New Zealand economy. However, the distribution of work for people aged 25-59 has been changing. In particular, between 1986 and 1996 there was a strong decline in full-time employment of prime-aged men, along with a decline in full-time employment amongst young people. In 1986, just over a tenth of prime-aged men were either not in paid work or worked part time. By 1996, this had increased to a quarter. While most of the changes in male employment were driven by shifts in labour demand, a small group of men actively chose to reduce their hours of work or to have breaks from paid work. In the decade 1986 to 1996, formal educational qualifications became a more powerful predictor of a person's employment status. In particular, by the early 1990s, prime-aged men and women without a formal educational qualification faced major disadvantages in the labour market. In contrast, the variable of gender, while still very important, weakened as a predictor of employment status. Employment data also show that there was some shift away from "standard" weekly hours of paid work for prime-aged people between 1986 and 1996. For both men and women, there was some growth in the proportion who worked very short hours as well as an increase in the proportion working 50 or more hours per week. Some of this appears to have taken place by choice, but some due to changing demands by employers. Employment status also has some association with living arrangement for prime-aged men. However, while employed men were far more likely to live in a couple than men not in work at both the beginning and end of the main period studied, this relationship weakened. In 1986, education had little predictive power regarding male living arrangements. However, by 1996, its importance had increased. Assortative mating patterns mean that couples tend to be education-rich or education-poor. However, the concentration of education within particular couples changed little over the decade. There was a shift within prime-aged couples and households to either work-poor or work-rich status between 1986 and 1996. In 1996, just under a fifth of prime-aged households were work-poor. The significant growth in the proportion of work-poor couples and households took place in the period of job loss between 1986 and 1991. While the strong employment growth in the economy in the next five years increased the proportion of work-rich households it only marginally reduced the proportion of work-poor households. In the 1990s, education-poor couples were over-represented amongst prime-aged work-poor couples. Yet, the New Zealand data suggest that a wide range of other factors influence the growth of this family type. This includes health issues and barriers to employment amongst well-qualified immigrants. The reasons behind the growth of work-rich couples are also complex. They include push factors such as well-educated women increasingly wanting to have a long-term attachment to the labour force, through to pull factors of women obtaining work to supplement family income in the face of declining male income. On a geographic area basis, the data does show that in the 1990s there were extremes of work-rich and work-poor residential areas. In addition, using various measures, the proportion of work-poor areas increased between 1986 and 1996. There was also a small, but important, group of area units that remained work-poor for the ten years studied. A significant proportion of long-term work-poor areas were also classified as "deprived". Finally, the rapid rise in educational attainment over the last decade was unevenly spread on a geographic basis. While there remain many communities where there is a wide mixture of education levels amongst the residents, the spatial clustering of similarly qualified (or unqualified) people is important in New Zealand.</p>


Blood ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Storb ◽  
ED Thomas ◽  
CD Buckner ◽  
RA Clift ◽  
A Fefer ◽  
...  

Eleven of twenty-four patients with severe aplastic anemia given marrow grafts from HLA-identical siblings between October 1970 and March 1973 are alive with normal marrow function and continued evidence of engraftment 3–5 yr later. Ten have been leading normal lives with no immunosuppressive or other drug therapy since day 100 postgrafting. One has had chronic graft-versus-host disease of the skin which is now slowly improving with no therapy. He returned to full-time employment in the summer of 1975. The long-term well-being of almost half of our initial patients emphasizes the importance of marrow transplantation for the treatment of severe aplastic anemia.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Auwal Isah ◽  
Auwal Abdullahi

Abstract Background : Cerebral Palsy (CP) is a group of permanent disorders of movement and posture, attributed to non-progressive disturbance that occurred in the developing fetal or infant brain. The condition results in long term disability in carrying out activities of daily living (ADL). Thus, it most times required active participation of the caregivers of the children affected in their rehabilitation. Objective: The aim of the study was to explore the facilitators and barriers of active participation of caregivers in the rehabilitation of these children. Materials and Methods: The study design used was qualitative indepth interview. The participants consisted of caregivers of children with CP attending Hasiya Bayero Paediatric Specialists Hospital, Kano. The caregivers were sampled and interviewed by one of the researchers until theoretical saturation was attained. A note taker wrote down and recorded responses of the participants using a tape recorder. The data generated from the interview was then transcribed, coded and analyzed using matrix analysis using constant comparative analysis. Results: Forty caregivers with mean age, 27.17±4.46 years participated in the study. The results of the study showed that, the factors that facilitate active participation of caregivers of children with CP in the rehabilitation of their children are improvement in the child’s condition, family support, improvement in the conditions of other children with CP, encouragement from the therapist managing the child, empathy, and cooperation of the child during home programs. The barriers are number of children the caregiver has, caregiver’s occupation and financial resources. Conclusion: Therapists need to help reinforce these facilitators, and devise strategies to help caregivers overcome barriers during rehabilitation of children with CP. For example, since lack of finance is one of the barriers to the caregivers’ active participation in the rehabilitation of their children, there should be a policy on CP rehabilitation that will make rehabilitation services accessible to all children with CP. Similarly, since family support is a facilitator, sharing caregiving rehabilitation tasks among member of the family could help facilitate caregiver activation participation in the rehabilitation of their children with CP.


Author(s):  
Noriko FUJITA

Abstract This qualitative-research-based article discusses corporate transfers of dual-career couples in large Japanese firms. In Japan’s internal labour market, inter-regional transfers, or tenkin, are de rigueur in many companies for purposes of training and promotion of long-term employees. Their implementation is often taken for granted because of the gendered assumption that only men are subject to tenkin. Women, who take responsibility in domestic roles, are not able to accept tenkin. Rather, they are either exempted from tenkin regardless of their wishes or forced to remain in secondary positions that require no tenkin. This gendered division of labour in tenkin has hampered women’s promotion in Japanese workplaces and hindered dual-career couples from achieving dual careers through tenkin. Using Acker’s (1990) theory of gendered organisations and Nemoto’s (2016) study of gendered practices in Japanese firms, this article elucidates the processes by which these cultural, gendered corporate transfers (a) reproduce gendered organisations, (b) are changing from dictates to negotiations in some companies where female workers are given more opportunities alongside intensification of the firms’ global competition, but (c) nevertheless continue to be in tension with dual-career families in contemporary Japan. To make a dual-career-couple model mainstream, the labour market structure that views corporate transfers as an absolute necessity needs radical change.


1982 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. M. Langford

SummaryThe mean size of sibship in which children are reared is greaterthan the mean number of children born to those children's parents' generation. In this paper, family size is considered from the child's point of view, and estimates made of how many siblings (and some other relatives) children have, using data from a survey carried out in Great Britain in the late 1960s. The size of the ‘family’ experienced by children is largerthan may at first sight appear. For example, women who married in the period 1941–55 onaverage had 2·2 children, but these women's children grew up, on average, in sibships of3·5 children; 38% of them grew up in a family with four children or more. Moreover, on average, these women's children had six uncles and aunts and possibly twice that number of first cousins. More than half of the children had at least one parent who was brought up in a family with six children or more and almost one in five had at least one parent who came from a family with ten children or more.


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