Mexico: The Challenge of Democracy

1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
César Cansino

THE MEXICAN POLITICAL SYSTEM IS CURRENTLY GOING through the most turbulent, disconcerting and complex end of a sexenio, or six-year presidential term, in memory. This is not the usual internal turmoil which has traditionally accompanied every change of administration, but a political crisis so great that it portends a process of political change destined to transform the very nature of the Mexican political regime itself.It may not be altogether new for this political regime to face the ‘democratic demands’ of important sectors of civil society; these demands have been made in the past in a variety of ways and with various consequences. However, this time the call for democracy constitutes an authentic challenge to the continuity and autonomy of the regime, and this is an extraordinary, highly significant development.

2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.


Author(s):  
Gunārs Ozolzīle

A democratic political system can be sustainable and stable only if it has society’s support that is based on legitimacy. So far, the attention of Latvian researchers has mostly been devoted to the so-called “ratings” of separate political institutions and politicians, but no attempt has been undertaken to investigate the political system as a whole through the prism of legitimacy. The aim of the present article is to explore whether there is a sufficient resource of legitimacy of the Latvian political system in order to provide stability and efficiency of the regime. The empirical basis of the research mostly consists of the results of the sociological research conducted in Latvia during the past six years (2011–2016). The data analysis of the present research is based on David Easton and Pippa Norris’ conceptual approach to the study of legitimacy of political systems. One of the conclusions that can be made is that the political system of Latvia is characterised by insufficient diffuse support, which then indicates that the political system experiences the problem of legitimacy. As there is a divided society in Latvia, both communities lack a shared national identity, which could connect the society. In addition, it can be stated that around half of the society is not satisfied with the functioning of the political regime. The analysis performed in the article allows concluding that the trust in political institutions is extremely low and the assessment of the political authority performance is highly negative.


Author(s):  
Andrei Val’terovich Grinëv

Abstract This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge A. Huete-Perez ◽  
Graziella Devoli

<p>Nicaragua is a Central American country historically affected by catastrophes that have caused thousands of deaths and significant economic damages. Natural disasters are usually intertwined with repeated political crises (foreign interventions, dictatorships, armed conflicts and political unrest), which in turn hamper it´s economy and make the country even more vulnerable, suffering from severe institutional and geographic vulnerability, further aggravated by the effects of global warming.</p><p>Against this adverse background, local scientists have made significant strides in education and science. Serving a highly vulnerable society, in the past 25 years geoscientists and other professionals have been building a more resilient Nicaragua by creating and operating seismic, volcanic, meteorological and hydrological networks, mapping multi-hazards in the most susceptible municipalities, organizing emergency response institutions and developing higher education programs for disaster risk management. In spite of the limited economical resources, geoscientists have embraced a strong commitment and ethical values, working with honesty and a sense of responsibility.</p><p>Over the past 12 years the country was submitted to a political regime change that ended up devastating the nascent democratic system and the rule of law, and has led to human right abuses.  These long-term problems along with the latest socio political crisis (April 2018) have had disastrous repercussions for the whole society, especially in the educational and scientific sectors.</p><p>The government has imposed censorship, intimidation and political interference. Scientists working at state institutions have been replaced by loyal political officials lacking reputable technical background. This has conditioned the scientific research and suppressed the freedom of expression of public servants with devastating consequences on disaster mitigation and response, and the undermining of the credibility of institutions and geoscientists. The negative impacts of these decisions is observed in the limitations of their services and the quality of their scientific results.</p><p>The experiences of the Academy of Sciences of Nicaragua will be discussed in its advisory role and impact on Nicaraguan society. Considering the systematic destruction of the rule of law and of human rights, the Academy focused on addressing the issues faced by university students, professors and scientists, including censorship, harassment, coercion and prosecution.</p><p>We will address (1) the Academy´s advisory work regarding the environmental risks posed by the Interoceanic Canal Project (considered as the largest engineering project in the world) and (2) the Academy´s role in contributing to solving the current sociopolitical crisis.</p><p>Used as best practices, these topics may be of relevance to the EGU audience and the scientific community at large. They could be relevant for scientists working under precarious political conditions and where political environments are hostile to scientists and scientific unions, making science advising extremely complicated.</p><p>There is an urgent need for the international community to lend their support to finding a peaceful resolution to this desperate situation in Nicaragua. Moreover, the support of global scientific societies will be decisive in the aftermath of the crisis to rebuild institutions and infrastructure for education and science, with specific training programs on geosciences. </p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-118
Author(s):  
Marcin Michał Wiszowaty

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to answer the main research question “is there a constitutional continuity in Poland or even the Polish constitutional identity or rather there was a permanent discontinuation in last 100 years of Polish history of state?” For this purpose, the Polish constitutional history in the 20th and 21st centuries has been analyzed with respect to the changes made in the Polish political system over the past century from republican and democratic governments with a strong parliament to governments more akin to the monarchy, with a strong presidency, and even autocratic. Looking for sources of Polish political inspiration references are made to the legacy of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Mohammad Iqbal Ahnaf

<p><b>Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) is a part of an international network organization called Hizb al-Tahrir (HT). The organization is commonly portrayed as an "anti-system" movement that seeks to overthrow democracy and revives the past transnational rule of the khilafah (caliphate). This view is justified by the doctrine of HT that promotes a revolutionary strategy of non-participation and envisages a political change outside the parliamentary process of democracy. Based on this ideology, many see the future of HT in its role of radicalizing Muslims that eventually lead to violence.</b></p> <p>This study evaluates the consistency of HTI in following its revolutionary strategy of non-participation. It argues that HTI is undertaking a strategic shift from a total non-participation to a selective participation. It establishes a strategic balance between revolution and reform by taking part in the democratic system for stirring opposition toward the existing political system. HTI focuses on challenging the legitimacy of democracy while at the same time engages with the supporting institutions and actors of the democratic system. This strategy resembles the model of political change called by Oxford University's political scientist, Timothy Garton Ash, "refolution." It aims to overthrow the existing political system without overthrowing the political regime. It seeks entry into the system to covert key elements of power holders and to persuade them to undertake a fundamental change from democracy to an Islamic government based on shari'ah law.</p> <p>This change is inevitable for HTI to adjust itself to the democratic context of Indonesia that integrates the majority of Muslims in the democratic system. This presence of Muslim actors in the system has created a perception of political opportunity for Islamization that prevents HTI from confronting the existing political process. This stance betrays HTI's revolutionary doctrine that requires it to uncompromisingly undermine the legitimacy of the democratic system and propagate political detachment. However, HTI understands that opposition to the Muslim involvement in the democratic process can isolate it from its most potential allies.</p> <p>Based on this, this study calls attention to the trajectory of HT outside the box of violent and revolutionary activism. The above path is especially likely for HT that operates in the context of Muslim democracies. HTI offers an alternative strategy toviolent activism and the moderate trend of Islamist movements. Evidence shows HTI is building support bases for the establishment of a pro-shari'ah or anti-system politics, either in the form of starting a new party or in creating a coalition between the existing parties.</p> <p>To support this argument, this study analyzes the nature of HTI's activities and its attitude toward the democratic structure. It is primarily based on a content analysis of HTI's discourse and activities recorded in two of its main publications: Al-Islam weekly bulletin and Al-Wa'ie monthly magazine. These sources cover HTI's activism from 2000 to 2009.</p> <p>Methodologically, it follows references and activities relating to key elements of Indonesian democracy (such as state ideology, democracy, election, the government, House of Representative, and political parties) and elements of Muslim society that are part of the democratic system. Drawing on the theories of political change, the analysis is based on the scope of change and the degree of opposition it promotes. Cases are analysed on a scale of 1 to 3 that represents moderate, radical and extreme. The finding shows mixed attitudes with a significant portion of radical character. This confirms the character of "refolutionary" strategy: it focuses on challenging political system over political institutions and combines political participation with anti-democratic campaign.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Ortmann

In the past few years, a number of civil society coalitions have emerged in the illiberal city-state of Singapore. They are the unintended result of a controlled process of liberalization which was initiated by the government in the 1990s in response to growing demands for participation. In particular, the internet has contributed to a more assertive, independent and better organized civil society, which can be seen as a significant step in the process of political change in the city-state.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 283-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie J. Bunce ◽  
Sharon L. Wolchik

Over the past decade, a number of elections in postcommunist regimes perched between democracy and dictatorship have led to the triumph of liberal oppositions over illiberal incumbents or their anointed successors. The international diffusion of these electoral revolutions reflects the interaction among five factors: the long term development of civil society, expanded opportunities for democratic political change, the rise of collaborative networks among international democracy promoters, regional exporters of democracy and local oppositions, and, finally, careful application of an electoral approach to regime transition. The cross-national diffusion of the electoral model in this region, however, may have run its course, largely because of less supportive local and international conditions.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Moss

With superior optical properties, high flexibility in engineering its material properties, andstrong capability for large-scale on-chip integration, graphene oxide (GO) is an attractivesolution for on-chip integration of two-dimensional (2D) materials to implement functionalintegrated photonic devices capable of new features. Over the past decade, integrated GOphotonics, representing an innovative merging of integrated photonic devices and thin GOfilms, has experienced significant development, leading to a surge in many applicationscovering almost every field of optical sciences. This paper reviews the recent advances in thisemerging field, providing an overview of the optical properties of GO as well as methods forthe on-chip integration of GO. The main achievements made in GO hybrid integratedphotonic devices for diverse applications are summarized. The open challenges as well as thepotential for future improvement are also discussed.


Author(s):  
Noha Aboueldahab

Abstract As transitional justice seeks to reckon with a violent past in order to build a more peaceful future, its practitioners tend to operate on the assumption that the past, present and future are distinct periods. Globally, however, as different regions and states undergo different phases of transitional justice, it is difficult to identify linear processes of transition and of justice. When understood as a fluid process, transitional justice elicits questions about how governments, judiciaries, civil society, and victims engage with it as a vehicle for political change, repression, and justice. This engagement constitutes a complex set of interactions, ebbs, and flows that take place across space and time. With the benefit of hindsight and a mosaic of transitions, this special issue aims to recognise and interrogate the centrality and complexity of time in transition, justice, and transitional justice. The authors discuss five overarching dimensions of time: the timing of transitional justice interventions, the institutionalisation of time, the compartmentalisation of time, the politicisation of time, and ways to reconcile the temporal dichotomies of various transitional justice mechanisms


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