scholarly journals Knowledge society in 21st century

Author(s):  
Martina Urbanová ◽  
Jana Dundelová ◽  
Blahoslav Rozbořil

This paper is focused on the increasing need of education in 21st century and on some problems which emerged in this context – the economists prefer to emphasize the development and growth, profit and effectiveness, and they can overlook general, ethical, and essential problems and needs of the contemporary world. These problems are not resolved by simple algometrical approaches, but they require multi-disciplined paradigms, which can provide social sciences.Especially in the 21st century we need wide-ranging critical thinking as a basis of responsible ethical behaviour. However in the current educational environment in the tertiary educational system we can observe over-emphasizing of utilitarian requirements. We produce professionals who are expected to be able to find quick, effective but also far-seeing solutions of any given problem, which is in obvious contradiction. This article discussed three conceptions of a human with the emphasis on the concept of “homo socio-oeconomicus”. This concept enables to see the world in wide context and develops necessary critical thinking, which is also economically more advantageous from the long-term point of view. That is why education in sociological, psychological, philosophical, political and other social sciences should not be considered by economists as something useless without any economic value, but as something that can help them to understand themselves, their environment and the consequences of their decisions. This is the core of this contribution.

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-134
Author(s):  
Traian-Dinorel D. Stănciulescu∗

Abstract The core of what we call transmodern turn is sustained (after decades of dominance of post-modern epistemology) by the shaping of an ontological model of the “Essentials Unity”, in which Human Being, the World and God should be in a non-conflictual relationship of togetherness, by a resonant / holographic mechanism of light. (Re)cognizing that the world-object and metalanguage have an objective interface, religion, philosophy and modern (social) sciences harmonise their specific assertions through a semiotics of the "loving light” capable of proving that: syntactically, the world is governed by unifying patterns which contain the semantic meanings of an objective human “language of light”; from a pragmatic point of view, biophotonically assumed, the fundamental values of human being / history can be traced in the ontologic (natural - cultural) act of signification which foregrounds the becoming of universal resonance into love


2020 ◽  
pp. 65-75
Author(s):  
S. N. Smirnov

The author considers the problems of typification of society. Some concepts of typification of social stratification models in different countries formulated and justified in historical and legal, historical, sociological, and economic scientific literature are reviewed. The circumstances that make it difficult to formulate universal concepts designed for application in the complex of social Sciences are identified. These circumstances include insufficient consideration of legal factors, including the position of the legislator, the specifics of the corporate legal status, and the characteristics of the mechanism for changing individual legal status. The author offers a variant of classification of society types from the point of view of legal registration of their structure. The possibility of distinguishing types such as consolidated companies and segmented companies is justified.


Dreyfus argues that there is a basic methodological difference between the natural sciences and the social sciences, a difference that derives from the different goals and practices of each. He goes on to argue that being a realist about natural entities is compatible with pluralism or, as he calls it, “plural realism.” If intelligibility is always grounded in our practices, Dreyfus points out, then there is no point of view from which one can ask about or provide an answer to the one true nature of ultimate reality. But that is consistent with believing that the natural sciences can still reveal the way the world is independent of our theories and practices.


2019 ◽  
pp. 63-85
Author(s):  
J.P.S. Uberoi

This chapter presents a discussion of international intellectual trends in the social sciences, theoretical and empirical studies in India, the question of independence of mind or home rule in intellectual institutions. Following the swarajist project outlined earlier of viewing Europe and its systems of knowledge and practices from an independent Indian point of view, this chapter is in effect a research outline for a new structural sociology in India. We are introduced to structuralism as it exists in the world, its scope and definition and as a methodology for the social sciences. This is followed by the approach to structuralism as scientific theory, method and as philosophical world view. Finally discusses are the principles of structural analysis, structuralism in language, literature and culture, in social structure, with regard to society and the individual, religion, philosophy, politics, sociology and social-anthropology.


Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (3) ◽  
pp. 108-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Tilman

Concern about the loss of Earth's biological diversity sparked two decades of research of unprecedented intensity, intellectual excitement, and societal relevance. This research shows that biodiversity is among the most important factors determining how ecosystems function. In particular, the loss of biodiversity decreases the productivity, stability, and efficiency of terrestrial, freshwater, and marine ecosystems. These research findings come at a time of rapidly increasing threats to global biodiversity resulting from agricultural land clearing, climate change, and pollution caused by globally accelerating demand for food and energy. The world faces the grand, multifaceted challenge of meeting global demand for food and energy while preserving Earth's biodiversity and the long-term sustainability of both global societies and the ecosystems upon which all life depends. The solutions to this challenge will require major advances in, and syntheses among, the environmental and social sciences.


1974 ◽  
Vol 57 ◽  
pp. 101-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene T. Hsiao

The Nixon administration's new China policy has had many political repercussions in the world, among the most important being the Sino-Japanese rapprochement. From a long-term point of view, such a rapprochement would, of course, have occurred regardless of the Nixon policy. As early as 1951, Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida made the realistic remark: “Red or white, China remains our next-door neighbour. Geography and economic laws will, I believe, prevail in the long run over any ideological differences and artificial trade barriers.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-259
Author(s):  
Scott A. Wolla

This article describes a strategy for using the minimum wage as a classroom debate topic. Classroom debate is an active-learning strategy that encourages students to develop skills that are often lacking in the college curriculum. Specifically, classroom debate promotes critical thinking and encourages students to see topics from various perspectives. Economics topics are well suited for classroom debate because most of the policy arguments have at least two well-reasoned positions. The minimum wage is an economics topic that students tend to care deeply about because it speaks to issues of poverty, income inequality, discrimination, and the economic value of education, and many students in the college demographic earn minimum, or near-minimum, wage. Instructors who use the minimum wage debate in their classrooms will find that students will apply an “economic way of thinking” to issues at the core of the curriculum. JEL Classifications: A21, A22, J3


1950 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-149
Author(s):  
W. Rex Crawford

The only words in the title of this symposium which do not cause difficulty are “of” and “in,” since even Latin America is a “nomer” that many protest is a “misnomer,” for some parts of the region southeast of the U.S.A., and “pathology” and “democracy” can get into water as hot and deep as any that lies under the thin ice over which the social sciences skate. The very lumping together in our discussion of twenty republics varying as they do in Latin America is a procedure of doubtful accuracy, and one which at first encounter arouses the ire of any good nationalist in these countries. The term “pathological” suggests too strongly a complacent superior attitude on our own part that may befit the propagandist or the naive and uninformed man on the street, but not the social scientist. The world does not fall so neatly into the patterns of perfect democracy and the outer darkness as Mr. Churchill has supposed. Can we not accept a certain relativity in these matters and remember the large-sized mote in our own eye?With the struggle of almost innumerable thinkers to define the direction and goal, we are surely familiar. The writer has no intention of assembling all the definitions available, for if they were all assembled, sociologists might lay the emphasis not upon forms and constitutions so much as upon something broader that earlier theologians would have called men's will and men's love. Since the development of “Mr. Tylor's science,” cultural anthropology, we would be more likely to say that the legal arrangements grow out of and express the culture; that back of them lies a slow secular growth of the idea that personality, the freedom and full development of the individual are ultimate values, not to be sacrificed to the state; that power may be necessary for survival, and that unity or consensus or conformity may be necessary to power, but that something like Albert Schweitzer's “reverence for life” is a deeper principle. These things are no sooner said than we realize that we often sin against the ideals we cherish and fear the freedom to which we give lip-service. The practice falls far short of the preaching.


Author(s):  
L Juliana Claassens

In light of the numerous instances in the Hebrew Bible in which the dignity of its characters are threatened, violated or potentially violated, this article seeks to identify a number of strategies that may be used to read the Bible for the dignity of all so overcoming the Old Testament’s troubling legacy. These strategies have been inspired by the work of Martha Nussbaum who, in one of her recent books, The New Religious Intolerance: Overcoming the Politics of Fear in an Anxious Age, names three principles that may help a society to become more compassionate in nature and to transcend, what she calls, a narcissistic notion of fear: (1) Political (and I would add religious) principles that express equal respect and dignity for all people (2) Rigorous critical thinking that criticizes inconsistencies that may lead to human rights violations (3) Developing an empathetic or participatory imagination, in which one is able to consider how the world looks from the point of view of a person of a different cultural or religious point of view.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Liudmila Maksimovna Samarskaia

The period between the publication of the Balfour Declaration in 1917 and League of Nations mandates official assignment to Great Britain in 1922 was not lengthy, but highly eventful. All this time England was maneuvring between the Jewish and the Arab national movements, which also gradually formed their own demands and objectives. The problem was, pursuing British interests was possible through maneuvring only, as support of just one local force was not quite strategically advantageous. Britains official commitment to the Balfour Declaration remained at the core of its policy, however it could not completely ignore the demands of the Arab polutaion of Palestine. Although there were quite a number of British administrators and imperial politicians, who were sympathetic towards the Zionist cause and thus were ready to meet their requests to a certain extent, adherence to the British Middle East interests remained crucial to them. The idea of a Jewish national home (not a state, though) in Palestine did not come into contradiction with the general policy of Great Britain in the Middle East: it was rather its integral part. At the same time implementing the Zionist project had to be in line with it: any relatively radical (from the British administrators point of view) proposals were rejected or postponed indefinitely. Towards the Arabs of Palestine Great Britain was conducting mainly declarative policy without any serious consideration of their problems and grievances, although trying to appease their demands to a certain extent. Even the Arab riots of 1920 and 1921 did not cause a serious change in the British political course in Palestine, although they did contribute to the emergence of Churchills White Paper in 1922, declaring certain concessions to the Arab national movement, which never accepted the document. At the same time British policy in general was neither pro-Zionist, nor pro-Arab: England was pursuing its long-term strategic goals in the Middle East, skillfully utilizing Zionist and Arab national movements to achieve them.


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