The Field of Agramante

2020 ◽  
pp. 122-165
Author(s):  
Jeffrey D. Needell

This chapter addresses the emperor’s attempted containment of Abolitionism. It begins with Ceará’s liberation, Nabuco’s return, the movement’s renewed unity, and the emperor’s response, appointing the reformist Dantas as prime minister. Dantas reached out to the Abolitionists with recognition and a gradualist reform, and in return the Abolitionists allied with him in the hope of further support. The consequent, critical role of Afro-Brazilian mass support for this alliance and its impact on the political establishment is emphasized. The chapter describes the reactionary response that followed, allying Liberal dissidents and Conservatives against the cabinet; the Conservatives’ support for a “tranquilizing reform” of their own; the dissolution of the Chamber; new, destabilizing elections and the “no confidence” vote of the reactionary alliance; Dantas’s replacement by Saraiva and Saraiva’s alliance with the Conservatives; the passage of the “tranquilizing reform,” and Saraiva’s resignation and the emperor’s reluctant appointment of the Conservative leader Cotegipe.

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis

Tunisia A has long been regarded as a model of political development and stability in the Third World. There is no doubt that the charismatic Habib Bourguiba, the aging (71) yet indefatigable leader of an effective nation-wide party apparatus, has helped ensure Tunisia's development from the period of the pre-independence struggle until today. It is not unnatural, therefore, given the critical role of Bourguiba in the operation of the political system, to question the degree of institutionalisation, stability, modernity, and democracy that Tunisia could retain after the passing of its dynamic leader.


2008 ◽  
Vol 40 (S1) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Jessica Damon

This paper describes the interaction between an American community of dancers and the wave of Afro-Brazilian influence that entered that community. Through personal experience, academic research, community observation, and conversations, the author examines the role of samba and the religious dances of the orixds within a suburban white community, highlighting how meaning is changed and constructed based on cultural context. The author emphasizes how women in this community responded to the political, social, and sexual implications of a non-native dance form, and how their resulting self-identification as a community was transformed. The essay questions how Americans can locate themselves within the greater cultural context of samba and other Afro-Brazilian dance forms, not simply as cultural outsiders but as women deeply connected to the unique American reality of these practices.


1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas T. Mackie ◽  
Brian W. Hogwood

Decision making in political executives is an oddly neglected subject in political science. The roles played by both formal institutions and less formal mechanisms in arriving at decisions in political executives are surprisingly understudied. There have been some important comparative studies of political executives but these have tended to focus on the role of the head of the political executive – the president or prime minister. The distinctive nature of cabinet systems as against presidential systems has been well brought out but a comparative framework for the analysis of variations among cabinet systems in the role of decision arenas other than the full cabinet has not been developed. Blondel in his wide-ranging survey of government structures gives only a passing mention to cabinet committees. Accordingly, in seeking to place the roles of cabinet committees in perspective, we have found it necessary to develop our own framework of decision arenas in cabinet systems.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-83
Author(s):  
LOUISA KHACHATRYAN

Abstract: This study analyzes the role of the media during the 45-day war in Artsakh in 2020. It aims to understand how the local media responded and reacted to official propaganda, particularly to the statements of the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. The research question of the capstone project is “What was the media framing of the official statements of the Armenian Prime Minister throughout the war?” To answer this question, the study first provides a short timeline of the war and the PM’s statements. Secondly, it conducts a descriptive content analysis of the three local media outlets, which are selected through purposive sampling. The analysis shows that the government-imposed censorship as well as the political economy of the media significantly affected the way the PM’s statements were being framed. The study tries to understand to what extent there was a “rally round the flag” effect and what caused certain behavior from different media outlets. Keywords: Artsakh war, media framing, propaganda, Nikol Pashinyan, rally round the flag


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Tenove ◽  
Stephanie MacLellan

(Note: This is a pre-print, not copy-edited, of a chapter for publication in: Cyber-Threats to Canadian Democracy, ed. by Holly Ann Garnett and Michael Pal. McGill-Queen’s University Press.) In the run-up to the 2019 federal election in Canada, experts and policymakers raised the possibility that foreign or domestic actors might use disinformation tactics during the campaign. This prompted Canadian journalists to give unprecedented attention to threats that online disinformation might pose to the information ecosystem and thus to electoral integrity. This chapter analyzes how Canadian journalists understood and responded to disinformation in the 2019 federal election campaign.Drawing on interviews with over 30 journalists, we find that while they held competing conceptions of disinformation, most associated it with digitally enabled techniques of media manipulation (e.g. the use of automated social media accounts known as “bots”) pursued by both traditional and newly prominent actors (including foreign states, partisan organizations and loose networks of domestic trolls). To address online disinformation, some journalism organizations developed new reporting approaches and teams, while many journalists and senior editors reflected on how longstanding reporting practices may or may not address this new challenge. We then investigate key challenges that journalists face in countering disinformation by examining three illustrative cases from the 2019 campaign: the alleged role of bots and foreign accounts in online discourse; the salacious rumours about incumbent prime minister Justin Trudeau pushed by foreign and domestic actors, including the U.S.-based website The Buffalo Chronicle; and the potential for leaks of illegally acquired material acquired through hacking operations.Reflecting on disinformation in #elxn43, journalists described three general challenges. Two are relatively new: how to identify novel and sophisticated online disinformation tactics, and how to address disinformation without amplifying its spread on social media. The third is a dilemma that journalists have long faced in election reporting: how to report on misleading claims in a context of intense partisan competition, when journalists themselves are being scrutinized as actors in the political fray.


Author(s):  
Duncan McCargo

This book investigates how Thailand's judges were tasked by the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX) in 2006 with helping to solve the country's intractable political problems—and what happened next. Across the last decade of Rama IX's rule, the book examines the world of Thai judges: how they were recruited, trained, and promoted, and how they were socialized into a conservative world view that emphasized the proximity between the judiciary and the monarchy. The book delves into three pivotal freedom of expression cases that illuminate Thai legal and cultural understandings of sedition and treason, before examining the ways in which accusations of disloyalty made against controversial former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra came to occupy a central place in the political life of a deeply polarized nation. The book navigates the highly contentious role of the Constitutional Court as a key player in overseeing and regulating Thailand's political order before concluding with reflections on the significance of the Bhumibol era of “judicialization” in Thailand. In the end, under a new king, who appears far less reluctant to assert his own power and authority, the Thai courts may now assume somewhat less significance as a tool of the monarchical network.


2020 ◽  
pp. 52-94
Author(s):  
Jeffrey D. Needell

This chapter analyzes the movement’s origins and takes the narrative up to the 1881 electoral defeat. It reviews the 1871 law’s failure and the slaveholders’ assessments, with the Conservative recovery and fall, and explains the Liberals’ ascent and their perennial divisions over policy (with the supremacy of the moderate wing). It then explains the Liberal reformists’ position, the significance of their urban base and its perspective, the importance of the Vintém Revolt of 1880, and the reformists’ decision to emphasize gradualist abolition. It analyzes the movement’s parliamentary origins, the initial leadership in and out of parliament, the activists mobilizing the Afro-Brazilian masses, and Abolitionist parliamentary marginalization. It discusses public mobilization, with an emphasis on press support, initial public organization, and the critical role of middle-class and mass Afro-Brazilian identification and solidarity with the slaves. In concludes with the movement’s electoral defeat in 1881 and Nabuco’s self-exile.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492091729
Author(s):  
Roberto A Valdeón

This article studies the role of translation as a first-level gatekeeping mechanism in news production. Contrary to previous views that translation was secondary for the selection and dissemination of news events, it is posited that the translational activity reflects the decisions made by news media, particularly, in the case of services in languages aimed at non-native audiences. The article is structured as follows. First, it surveys the concepts of gatekeeping and ideological affinity with regard to news translation. Then a research question concerning the reporting of the Catalan secessionist crisis in Spain is presented. This will serve to examine how translation functions as a gatekeeping mechanism. The corpus selected for the analysis comprises the Spanish articles and English versions posted by El País in the 3 months prior and the 3 months posterior to the simultaneous appointments of Spain’s new Prime Minister and of the new editor of El País. This coincidence constitutes a unique opportunity to delve into the relationship between translation and gatekeeping. The findings show that the ideological affinity between the political leader and the editor may have prompted a significant change in the way the Catalan crisis was reported, particularly in the translated versions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232102302199914
Author(s):  
Jean-Thomas Martelli

This ethnographic account chronicles the journey of one of the largest anti-government protests since India’s independence. It examines the pivotal role of students—initially activists and then first-time participants—in crystallizing challenges to the ruling dispensation, not only by opposing it directly, but through subverting its way of claiming representation. More specifically, it is the strategic reuse of the pervasive anti-institutional and anti-elite discourse at the top—while replacing its majoritarianism with inclusiveness—that enabled protesters to disembody the populist modality of the current Indian Prime Minister. Protesters’ short-lived success was achieved through an enactment of the popular, embodied in a diffused fashion by faceless, peaceful and feminized protesting masses. The popular successfully appropriated the claim to be the people through invoking a ‘derivative’ nationalist repertoire in part shared by the government, emptying its anti-minorities subtext through appropriating floating signifiers of patriotic belonging such as the Indian constitution, the flag and the anthem. By engaging on how relatively small communities of politicized students used the campus ecology and its neighbouring spaces as territorial and ideational nodal points for the mobilization of less politicized cohorts, the article underlines their significance in the political articulation of dissent in contemporary Indian democracy.


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