scholarly journals The role of the state government, civil society and programmes across sectors in stunting reduction in Chhattisgarh, India, 2006–2016

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (7) ◽  
pp. e002274
Author(s):  
Neha Kohli ◽  
Phuong H Nguyen ◽  
Rasmi Avula ◽  
Purnima Menon

IntroductionChildhood stunting has declined in India between 2006 and 2016, but not uniformly across all states. Little is known about what helped some states accelerate progress while others did not. Insights on subnational drivers of progress are useful not just for India but for other decentralised policy contexts. Thus, we aimed to identify the factors that contributed to declines in childhood stunting (from 52.9% to 37.6%) between 2006 and 2016 in the state of Chhattisgarh, a subnational success story in stunting reduction in India.MethodsWe examined time trends in determinants of stunting using descriptive and regression decomposition analysis of National Family Health Survey data from 2005 to 2006 and 2015–2016. We reviewed nutrition-relevant policies and programmes associated with the drivers of change to construct a policy timeline. Finally, we interviewed multiple stakeholders in the state to understand the changes in the drivers of undernutrition.ResultsThe regression decomposition analysis shows that multiple factors explain 66% of the change in stunting between 2006 and 2016. Improvements in three key drivers—health and nutrition services, household assets, and sanitation and hygiene—explained 47% of the change in stunting. A shared vision for impact, political stability and capable bureaucracy, state-level innovations, support from development partners and civil society, and community mobilisation were found to contribute to improvements in programmes for health, poverty and sanitation.ConclusionChange in multiple sectors is important for stunting reduction and can be achieved in subnational contexts. More work lies ahead to close gaps in various determinants of stunting.

Author(s):  
Michael S. Danielson

The first empirical task is to identify the characteristics of municipalities which US-based migrants have come together to support financially. Using a nationwide, municipal-level data set compiled by the author, the chapter estimates several multivariate statistical models to compare municipalities that did not benefit from the 3x1 Program for Migrants with those that did, and seeks to explain variation in the number and value of 3x1 projects. The analysis shows that migrants are more likely to contribute where migrant civil society has become more deeply institutionalized at the state level and in places with longer histories as migrant-sending places. Furthermore, the results suggest that political factors are at play, as projects have disproportionately benefited states and municipalities where the PAN had a stronger presence, with fewer occurring elsewhere.


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Montgomery Van Wart

Executive development can only be properly conceptualized as a part of the state's overall human resource development (HRD) system. As a part of that system, the special needs and constraints of executive development can be addressed. Some of the best human resource development systems build level by level, with executive development as the logical and integrated conclusion, even though the programs may be housed in a variety of settings. As background, this article discusses the differences in the four levels of HRD, the three major skill areas that are identified with each of these levels, and the four features that characterize good human resource systems. It concentrates on the features that characterize good executive development systems and also includes a number of examples of good executive development systems in the federal and state government sectors.


2005 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mala Lalvani

The Indian polity has been through 43 coalition governments at the state level between 1966/67 and 1998/99. In the present study we attempt to examine what this change in form of government from single party to coalitions has meant for the economy. The results of our study which examines the post 1980 period give us reason to be optimistic. Coalitions at the state government level appear to have, on an average, done well to increase capital expenditures particularly capital expenditures on social services and other developmental categories. They have, however, not succeeded in taking politically hard decisions of curbing revenue expenditures and revenue deficits. It is our contention that the weak majority of coalition governments is their major strength. The tenuous hold of coalitions on power gives them a license for undertaking reforms. If the opportunity is taken to undertake the more ‘politically difficult’ reforms to prune revenue expenditures then the ‘era of coalitions’ would turn out to be a blessing in disguise for the Indian economy


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 803-803
Author(s):  
Rasmi Avula ◽  
Phuong Nguyen ◽  
Neha Kohli ◽  
Shubhada Kanani ◽  
Purnima Menon

Abstract Objectives Global attention to reducing childhood stunting has increased the demand for guidance on translating policies into impact. Evidence from national-level success cases is emerging but little is known about how subnational entities can accelerate change. In India, despite a common national framework of programs/policies targeting many determinants of child growth, stunting reduction has varied across states. We aimed to understand drivers of change in stunting at state-level and to identify programmatic, social and political factors that contributed to these changes. Methods We studied three states that had achieved substantial stunting declines between 2005 and 2016 [Chhattisgarh (CG) 14 percentage points (pp); Gujarat (GJ) 13pp; Odisha (OD) 11 pp]. We used regression-decomposition analysis to assess contributions of various determinants of height-for-age Z-score (HAZ) using two rounds of national data. We reviewed nutrition-relevant policies and programs linked to these drivers of change and interviewed stakeholders in government, development partners (DPs), academia and civil society (n = 61) to understand how change occurred. Results Main contributors to gains in HAZ were coverage of health and nutrition interventions (21% CG; 11% GJ; 25% OD), household assets (10% CG; 13% GJ; 18% OD), and sanitation (7% CG; 6% GJ; 5% OD). Maternal education, age at marriage, community-level hygiene, and electrification also contributed. Political leadership and an outcome-focused vision were crucial for action. Although vision varied, capable administrators were able to secure adequate finances, strengthen implementation systems, and invest in state-specific innovations, creating an enabling environment for change. Varied actors, including civil society and DPs, played a catalytic role in spurring action through advocacy, technical and financial inputs, and vigilance. Conclusions Similar drivers were responsible for stunting reduction in 3 states. Ingredients for success highlight the importance of political leadership, targeting multiple determinants and improving implementation systems. Supportive civil society, political and bureaucratic leadership motivated by the well-being of communities remain crucial. Funding Sources Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation through POSHAN, led by IFPRI.


2015 ◽  
Vol 224 ◽  
pp. 1083-1092 ◽  
Author(s):  
Weijun Lai ◽  
Jiangang Zhu ◽  
Lin Tao ◽  
Anthony J. Spires

AbstractFrom a regulatory perspective, philanthropy in China has been officially modernized. Since the government established a legal framework in 2004 based on models from overseas, the number of private foundations in China has grown more than six-fold. Drawing on a nationally representative survey of 214 private foundations conducted in 2012, we present a landscape view of these new philanthropic institutions, discussing both who begins foundations and how their monies are used. We find that despite the rise of new private wealth in China and the adoption of the private foundation form, government priorities are structuring the field of Chinese philanthropy in key and consequential ways. We conclude with some considerations of the implications of these findings for the development of broader civil society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Beckman

Abstract This article analyzes the specific issue of whether an individual could be tried for treason by a State government if that individual is not a resident or citizen of that State. This issue is analyzed through the prism of the landmark case of John Brown v. Commonwealth of Virginia, a criminal prosecution which occurred in October 1859. Brown, a resident of New York, was convicted of treason against the Commonwealth of Virginia, insurrection, and murder after he attempted to overthrow the institution of slavery by force on October 16–18, 1859. After a prosecution and trial which occurred within a matter of weeks following Brown's crimes, Brown was executed on December 2, 1859. To this day, John Brown's trial and execution remains one of the leading examples of a State government exercising its power to enforce treason law on the State level and to execute an individual for that offense. Of course, the John Brown case had a major impact on American history, including being a significant factor in the presidential election of 1860 and an often-cited spark to the powder keg of tensions between the Northern and Southern States, which would erupt into a raging conflagration between the North and South in the American Civil War a short eighteen months later. However, in the legal realm, the Brown case is one of the leading and best-known examples of a state government exercising its authority to enforce its laws prohibiting treason against the State. The purpose of this article is not to discuss treason laws generally or even all the issues applicable to John Brown's trial in 1859. Rather, this article focuses only on the very specific issue of the culpability of a non-resident/non-citizen for treason against a State government. With the increased array of hostile actions against State governments in recent years, and criminal actors crossing state lines to commit these hostile acts, this article discusses an issue of importance to contemporary society, namely whether an individual can be prosecuted and convicted for treason by a State of which the defendant is not a citizen or resident.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lazer ◽  
Alexi Quintana ◽  
Jon Green ◽  
Katherine Ognyanova ◽  
Hanyu Chwe ◽  
...  

In every month, April through October of 2020, we surveyed individuals in every state about how federal and state governments are reacting to the pandemic. We found a remarkably consistent picture of public opinion: respondents prefer state governments over the federal government when it comes to COVID-19. Out of 8 waves in 50 states & DC − a total of 408 surveys at the state level − in 402 state-level surveys more people in the state felt the state government was reacting “about right” to the COVID-19 outbreak as compared to the federal government; and only 6 times did people in a state choose the federal government over their state government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-202
Author(s):  
Jyoti Mishra ◽  
Vibha Attri

Several studies in the past show that the work done by the incumbent government helps the ruling party to get re-elected. However, most of these studies focus on re-election and do not look at the impact assessment of governance on trust in government, which is a precursor of re-election. To fill this gap, this article explores whether perceptions of good governance lead to trust in government. The results support the view that governance at the state level leads to a higher trust with the state government. Of all the variables used to measure governance as access, benefitting from welfare schemes had the maximum impact on trust. Other governance measures like availing public services and citizens’ interaction with the state too had a positive relationship with trust in the state government. Furthermore, having the same government at the centre and the state, strengthened one’s trust in the state government.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 428-451
Author(s):  
Adel Daoud ◽  
Shailen Nandy

Understanding the politics of caste, corruption, and wealth is essential for combating poverty in India. However, relatively few studies have systematically analyzed how these factors explain patterns of poverty combining state-level indicators with household and child-level outcomes. Focusing on child poverty as an outcome measure, this paper tests the explanatory potency of John Harriss's typology of state government political regimes, Transparency International India's measures of state corruption, and state-level wealth. Using data on 120,988 children from the third National Family Health Survey (2005–2006) and multilevel models, we find that Harriss's typology of state regimes better explains child poverty differences between states than Transparency International India's corruption index. States whose political regimes are historically dominated by upper-caste groups tend to have an adverse effect on poor children of lower castes, compared to states dominated by lower-caste groups. This adverse effect is amplified in wealthier states.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document