scholarly journals NATO-EU Cooperation in Cybersecurity and Cyber Defence Offers Unrivalled Advantages

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 35-55
Author(s):  
Peter Poptchev

The article identifies the trends as well as documented instances of adversarial cyberattacks and hybrid warfare against NATO and EU Member States. It illustrates how these adversarial activities impact on the broader aspects of national security and defence, the socio-economic stability and the democratic order of the states affected, including on the cohesion of their respective societies. Cyberattacks by foreign actors—state and non-state—including state-sponsored attacks against democratic institutions, critical infrastructure and other governmental, military, economic, academic, social and corporate systems of both EU and NATO Member States have noticeably multiplied and have become more sophisticated, more destructive, more expensive and often indiscriminate. The cyber and hybrid threats are increasingly seen as a strategic challenge. The article presents some salient topics such as the nexus between cyberattacks and hybrid operations; the game-changing artificial intelligence dimension of the cyber threat; and the viability of public attributions in cases of cyberattacks. On the basis of analysis of the conceptual thinking and policy guide-lines of NATO, the European Union and of the U.S., the author makes the case that a resolute Trans-Atlantic cooperation in the cyber domain is good for the security of the countries involved and essential for the stability of today’s cyber-reliant world.

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.


2010 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Meyer

SummaryThe financial and guarantee aids within the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism suspend the Stability and Growth Pact as the basis of the European Economic and Monetary Union. The actual ‘suspension’ from the ‘no bail-out’ restriction (Art. 125 TFEU) and the prohibition of funding national debts (Art. 123 TFEU) transfers risks and financial burdens from deeply indebted states to solvent EU member states. This is the beginning of an unauthorized ‘transfer union’.This analysis does not display any evidence of market failure with respect to a potential domino effect for other EU member states. In addition, a destabilizing speculation cannot be identified. The case ‘Greece’ is rather a special case which has become a common model for other member states, caused by the Council of the European Union and the aid packages. Speculations build a part of the observable market reactions apart from pure hedging, but they simply indicate political system errors.The interventions by the European Central Bank do not lead to functioning markets. These interventions rather lead to yield structures that are inadequate in terms of risks and scarcity. Therefore they will cause a misallocation of financial resources with high economic costs.


Teisė ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 121 ◽  
pp. 135-147
Author(s):  
Sviatoslav Kavyn ◽  
Ivan Bratsuk ◽  
Anatoliy Lytvynenko

This article is devoted to the study of information security in the EU member states, in particular Germany and France, in the context of the analysis of their national legislation, state, national programs and regulations. Particular attention is paid to the study of the features of regulatory and legal security of information security of Germany and France in the context of the study of their national legislation in terms of economic security as an inherent component of national security. In the course of this study the peculiarities of the functioning of the institutional and legal mechanism of cyber defense in the context of the multi-vector system of international security and legal regulation of international cooperation are analyzed. The article substantiates the expediency of developing an integrated, coordinated information policy of the EU member states in order to unify approaches to information security.At the same time, the current realities of European Union policy require comprehensive research in the context of ensuring national interests, developing effective mechanisms for protecting the information space, and legal mechanisms for shaping the economic system as a strategic factor of national security. Accordingly, the approaches to information security adopted in the European Union are currently not unified due to the geopolitical specifics of the EU’s countries. Therefore, the research, evaluation, and implementation of the positive experience of Germany and France in this area, according to the authors, is important in building the information security system of the European Union in the context of reliable protection against cyber threats.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-304
Author(s):  
Stjepan Novak

The paper deals with the necessity of protecting procedural rights of persons or entities connected with terrorism in the course of international sanctions and legal sanctioning on one hand, and the requirement of protecting classified data of the EU member states on the other. When considering the rights of the defendant, one of the biggest issues is the lack of data stemming from the reluctance of the member states to share information from their jurisdiction with either the sanctioned persons or the Court of the European Union. It has arisen from the effort of the member states to protect their classified data, some of which are seen as particularly sensitive from the national security aspect, by their national legal regulations. The most serious issue is distrust of the member states in the Court of the EU, i.e. their doubt whether the EU justice system will be able to protect classified data appropriately. The Court of the European Union has tried to resolve these two conflicting tendencies, thus indirectly widening its jurisdictions to the areas previously reserved for the member states. It has regulated the handling of classified national security data in its practice and its internal regulations, for example in the Rules of Procedure of the General Court of the European Union. In fact, the Court has conditioned the implementation of sanctions on the delivery of such data both to the Court and, although not in all instances, to the persons or entities whom the particular sanctions refer to. The problem could be solved by delivering an unclassified summary of the relevant data in order to provide an explanation as to why the competent body of a member state believes that a person or an entity should be covered with sanctions. Such a summary could be delivered to the Council of the EU, and if necessary, to the Court of the EU and the person or entity contesting the sanctions. Considering the principle of loyal cooperation stipulated in Article 4, Paragraph 3 of the TEU, this should suffice to the Court of the EU.


Author(s):  
Vephkhvia Grigalashvili ◽  
◽  
Khatuna Abiashvili ◽  

Critical infrastructure protection represents an essential part of the European Union security concept whose dynamic development has been actively taking place since 2004. Based on a systematic review approach (methodology), this paper aims to provide an assessment of the evolution and contribution since mentioned period of the European Union infrastructure protection policies. The first part discusses the EU's critical infrastructure policy for 2004-2008 that laid the groundwork for the adoption of the Council Directive 2008/114/EC of 8 December 2008. The second section explains the main political and legal features of the Council Directive 2008/114/EC of 8 December 2008 as well as requirements to be implemented by EU member states in order to comply their national systems with the standards of the Directive 2008/114/EC. The third section presents the results of a study on EU policy developed in 2008-2020 parallel with Directive 2008/114/EC. Final sector introduces recent Past and present cooperation activities within the European Union for further development of the critical infrastructure protection system at the EU and Member States national levels.


Author(s):  
Oksana Mitrofanova

The article touches upon to investigation of the particularities of foreign policy’s implementation and the EU leading states positions’ coordination. The position of leading states politicians towards strengthening of EU security and defense sphere cooperation has been studied. The factor of Permanent structure cooperation (PESCO) creation and the rationale for its expediency has been underlined. The article deals with migration crisis in the EU, the reaction of the European politicians to this issue and the consequences that manifested in the elections to the Italian parliament. The reforms having support of the leaders of France, Germany and Italy have been analyzed. It is concluded that the leading EU member states such as France, Germany and Italy have to coordinate their policies for the successful functioning of the EU. These states are the most important economic powers of the European Union, and the economic success of the entire structure depends on the stability of their economies. However, other countries have their own specific views and, sometimes, are not ready to compromise. It is likely that actually the French ideas of creation of European securtity and defense autonomy might spring to life, taking into account the strengthening cooperation of France with Germany and Italy in this sphere. The leading partners of France are ready for serious partnership between their military-industrial enterprpises.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Angela Buelow

To arrive at a good status of all European water bodies is the main objective of the European Union (EU) Water Framework Directive (WFD). Since its adoption in 2000, the policy has fundamentally changed the institutional, procedural and organizational structures of Member States' water management, leading to an Europeanization of national legislation and decision-making structures. The case of WFD implementation in Schleswig-Holstein is an example of the policy's highly innovative governance architecture that unfortunately is not (yet) able to take that one last hurdle: to improve water quality and establish a good water status across EU Member States by 2015 or 2027.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Celeste Perrucchini ◽  
Hiroshi Ito

Empirical evidence suggests an overall convergence in terms of GDP and per capita income occurring among the European Union (EU) Member States. Nevertheless, economic inequalities have been increasing at the regional level within European Union countries. Through the review of relevant literature, this study analyzes the increasing inequalities from an economical point of view, focusing on Italy and the UK as examples. First, a general overlook of the empirical evidence of the GDP and per capita income at national and sub-national levels will be presented. Second, an explanation of the possible causes of the results will be proposed through the use of economical and sociological theories. The findings of this research might uncover the relative inefficacy of EU Cohesion policies and point towards the necessity for deeper and more thoughtful measures to continue the convergence of Member States while preserving internal equilibria. This paper ends with discussions for the future directions of the EU.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6278
Author(s):  
Lars Carlsen ◽  
Rainer Bruggemann

The inequality within the 27 European member states has been studied. Six indicators proclaimed by Eurostat to be the main indicators charactere the countries: (i) the relative median at-risk-of-poverty gap, (ii) the income distribution, (iii) the income share of the bottom 40% of the population, (iv) the purchasing power adjusted GDP per capita, (v) the adjusted gross disposable income of households per capita and (vi) the asylum applications by state of procedure. The resulting multi-indicator system was analyzed applying partial ordering methodology, i.e., including all indicators simultaneously without any pretreatment. The degree of inequality was studied for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019. The EU member states were partially ordered and ranked. For all three years Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, and Finland are found to be highly ranked, i.e., having rather low inequality. Bulgaria and Romania are, on the other hand, for all three years ranked low, with the highest degree of inequality. Excluding the asylum indicator, the risk-poverty-gap and the adjusted gross disposable income were found as the most important indicators. If, however, the asylum application is included, this indicator turns out as the most important for the mutual ranking of the countries. A set of additional indicators was studied disclosing the educational aspect as of major importance to achieve equality. Special partial ordering tools were applied to study the role of the single indicators, e.g., in relation to elucidate the incomparability of some countries to all other countries within the union.


Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (14) ◽  
pp. 4209
Author(s):  
Rita Remeikienė ◽  
Ligita Gasparėnienė ◽  
Aleksandra Fedajev ◽  
Marek Szarucki ◽  
Marija Đekić ◽  
...  

The main goal of setting energy efficiency priorities is to find ways to reduce energy consumption without harming consumers and the environment. The renovation of buildings can be considered one of the main aspects of energy efficiency in the European Union (EU). In the EU, only 5% of the renovation projects have been able to yield energy-saving at the deep renovation level. No other study has thus far ranked the EU member states according to achieved results in terms of increased usage in renewable sources, a decrease in energy usage and import, and reduction in harmful gas emissions due to energy usage. The main purpose of this article is to perform a comparative analysis of EU economies according to selected indicators related to the usage of renewable resources, energy efficiency, and emissions of harmful gasses as a result of energy usage. The methodological contribution of our study is related to developing a complex and robust research method for investment efficiency assessment allowing the study of three groups of indicators related to the usage of renewable energy sources, energy efficiency, and ecological aspects of energy. It was based on the PROMETHEE II method and allows testing it in other time periods, as well as modifying it for research purposes. The EU member states were categorized by such criteria as energy from renewables and biofuels, final energy consumption from renewables and biofuels, gross electricity generation from renewables and biofuels and import dependency, and usage of renewables and biofuels for heating and cooling. The results of energy per unit of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Greenhouse gasses (GHG) emissions per million inhabitants (ECO2), energy per capita, the share of CO2 emissions from public electricity, and heat production from total CO2 emissions revealed that Latvia, Sweden, Portugal, Croatia, Austria, Lithuania, Romania, Denmark, and Finland are the nine most advanced countries in the area under consideration. In the group of the most advanced countries, energy consumption from renewables and biofuels is higher than the EU average.


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