Empowering and Engaging Civil Society in Conflict Resolution: The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh

2010 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Ghaplanyan
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Family Members ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Actual Process ◽  
Political Bargaining ◽  
Civil Societies

AbstractCivil societies in Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh have become alienated from the actual process of conflict resolution and need to be engaged in the political bargaining of the issue. This article addresses the importance of engaging civil society more deeply in this process. Only by empowering citizens through greater awareness and engaging civil society will the political elites from all sides of the conflict be forced to act more responsibly and participate in a more sincere and significant dialogue based on compromise rather than threats. To break the current deadlock, a new citizen-based initiative is needed based on a willingness to humanize the alleged enemy, consider options other than war, realize that the lives of immediate family members are at stake, learn about the benefits of compromise, and engage in reconciliation processes.

Nagorny Karabakh conflict: Prospects for conflict transformation

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Artak Ayunts ◽  
Mikayel Zolyan ◽  
Tigran Zakaryan
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Conflict Transformation ◽  
Conflict Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Status

The article explores the current stalemate in the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, and perspectives for conflict transformation. As the conflict has remained dormant for more than 20 years, the political systems of the countries engaged in the conflict have adjusted to the conflict situation. The conflict is often used by the political elites in order to legitimize their power, consolidate support, marginalize opponents, and neutralize democratizing pressures. Since the status quo serves the interests of the authorities, the ruling regimes do not have strong incentives to seek conflict resolution. In these conditions, conflict transformation approaches are considered a necessary means to deal with the conflict. Given that political elites have little incentive to implement such transformation, civil society actors come increasingly to the fore. Only through multitrack initiatives supported by civil society actors, we argue, can conflict transformation practices advance and subsequently bring peace to the region.

scholarly journals “We are fortress Europe!” Nativism and religion in the ideology of Pegida in the context of the European crisis

2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 53-68
Author(s):  
Mihai Murariu
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
The Other ◽  
Western Civilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
European Crisis ◽  
Fortress Europe ◽  
The One

This article deals with the movement known as “Patriotic Europeans against the Islamisation of the Occident,” or Pegida, focusing primarily on the nativist dimension which often takes centre stage in its ideological discourse. Pegida describes itself as a defender of Western Civilization and of its Christian legacy from what it sees as the perils of Islamisation on the one hand, and of globalist political elites on the other. In the context of the political changes and rise of alternative visions of civil society, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, Pegida should arguably be seen as a representative of a growing European nativist wave. Lastly, the article looks at the “Prague Declaration,” a document which was signed in 2016 by Pegida and a number of allied movements from outside of Germany.

Kinship Politics: Political Elite’s Desire for Power Versus the Ethics of Consequentialism

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
Nurul Annisa Hamudy
Keyword(s):  
Family Members ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Abuse Of Power ◽  
Ethical Foundation ◽  
Philosophical Reflection

Kinship Politics as a form of control of political space by the elites makes it easier for their family members to win an election against other candidates. Kinship Politics is prone to abuse of power that benefits just a few people. The author studied this problem using philosophical reflection. Humans have a relentless desire to achieve success or felicity (as Hobbes stated) that requires humans to continue accumulating power. Power must be attained and defended, although it means forgoing the ethical foundation. For this reason, this study aimed to analyse the moral consequences of the desire for power of the political elites in the 2020 Regional-Head Election (Pilkada) through an ethical lens. This study used descriptive and literature study method, as well as a qualitative approach, and the results of the study showed that the kinship politics in the 2020 Pilkada should not be continued in the perspective of consequentialism ethic that emphasizes the goal of happiness for as many people as possible, since Kinship politics that concentrated the power in one person supported by the circle of power will benefit only a handful of people.

Georgia and Armenia between apathy and revolution: Civic culture and stability of grey zone regimes

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susanne Brunnbauer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Field Research ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Grey Zone ◽  
Transformation Theory ◽  
Political Processes

The declaration of the ‘end of the transition paradigm’ at the dawn of the new millennium provoked a rethinking in transformation theory, as it challenged the dichotomy of democratic and authoritarian systems and the ‘finality’ of transformation. This study contributes to the debate on hybrid political systems, critically assessing established theoretical models of political cul-ture and stability with a view to their applicability in the post-Soviet environment. On the basis of comprehensive field research, the study compares Georgia and Armenia as most similar cases, which inherited similar legacies from their common Soviet past but showed different developments of regime persistence, instability and democratization processes since gaining independence and sovereignty. While Georgia experienced ups and downs of its democratization efforts, Armenia was considered a stable semi-consolidated authoritarian system until the Velvet Revolution, which can be regarded as an important ‘reset’ in Armenia’s recent history. In a comparative approach this study analyses critical hues of stability in the political ‘grey zone’ while concentrating on the intermediary structure of both countries. Given its mediating function within the political system, the intermediary sphere of civil society actors and political elites instructively reflects the (dis)connect between citizens and the state. Focusing the analysis on the intermediary sphere provides valuable insights into the dynamics of political processes and decision-making, the articulation of interests independent from the state and the formation and recruitment of elites. By taking a critical look at the very constitution of the nexus of political elites and civil society as well as interlinkages and impacts, the major finding is that the mutual influence of political culture and political structure on stability can be confirmed in both countries’ context. Thereby, the study identifies key differences in regime configurations that impact persistence in the political grey zone.

scholarly journals Can EU Civil Society Elites Burst the Brussels Bubble? Civil Society Leaders’ Career Trajectories

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 86-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jayeon Lindellee ◽  
Roberto Scaramuzzino
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Environmental Policy ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Leadership Positions ◽  
Career Trajectories ◽  
Revolving Doors ◽  
The Eu

The Brussels-based civil society organizations (CSOs) have been conceived by the EU to act as a bridge between the bureaucratic elites and the citizens of Europe. The institutionalized presence of the major EU-based CSOs has, however, called their legitimacy into question, as exemplified by notions such as ‘revolving doors’ implying homogeneous social, educational, and professional backgrounds shared by both EU officials and CSO leaders. This article therefore asks the following questions: To what extent do the leaders of EU-based CSOs merely reproduce the types of capital that mirror those of the political elites in the so-called ‘Brussels bubble’? To what extent do the CSO leaders bring in other sets of capital and forms of recognition that are independent of the Brussels game? How can we explain differences in the salience of EU capital found across policy areas, types of leadership positions, and types of organizations? Empirically, this article qualitatively analyzes the career trajectories of 17 leaders of EU-based peak CSOs that are active in social and environmental policy areas. Despite the highly integrated and institutionalized characteristics shared by all organizations, we find diversity in the composition of the leaders in terms of the extent to which their career trajectories are embedded in the EU arena.

Conservative Democratization

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
WooJin Kang
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Thirtieth Anniversary ◽  
Political Forces

South Korea celebrated the thirtieth anniversary of democratization in 2017. Over the thirty years since democratization in 1987, Korea has successfully institutionalized democracy. The last thirty years of democracy in Korea, however, have a dual aspect. The fierce resistance of students and civil society triggered the democratization process in 1987. However, the political pact between the political elites institutionalized the democratic transition. The 1987 system created through the political pact between political elites with the exclusion of civil society’s influence functioned as a political cartel and a high barrier to new political forces. One of the significant consequences of this cartel system has been the underrepresentation of political minorities such as youth and non-regular workers. Democracy does not mean elite rotation. The democratization of democracy must begin for Korean democracy, which started a new cycle after the 2016–2017 Candlelight Uprising, to become a responsive system that reflects many citizens’ preferences.

Making an impact from the margins? Civil society groups in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing process

2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 703-728
Author(s):  
Michael Aeby
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Civic Involvement ◽  
Organisational Capacity ◽  
Civil Society Organisations

ABSTRACTThe paper examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing process. It identifies CSOs’ organisational capacity, nature of engagement in the political process and relations with the power-sharing parties as the principal issues affecting CSOs’ ability to promote peace-making and democratisation in the context of a transitional executive power-sharing process. Based on these analytical themes, the case analysis argues that CSOs’ sway on the transition was particularly constrained by organisational fragmentation and disunity, divergent strategies vis-à-vis the interregnum, diminishing access to political elites, the latter's refusal to permit greater civic involvement, and continued repression.

scholarly journals Menakar moralitas elit politik melalui kontrak politik

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nasiwan Nasiwan
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
General Election ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Accountability ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
The People

Before the General Election to choose the legislative members, that is held on April 5, 2005 and President General Election, that is held on June 5 and September 20, 2004, there was a political phenomenon, which then popularly said "a political contract. " The political contract was initiated by some elements of 'the civil society', which were the important components of the political power of pro-reform community. Looking at the cultural side, the existence of the political contract in the development of Indonesian politics implied that there was a change in cognitive, affective and evaluation  orientation of some of Indonesian people in their attitudes and political habits to be more rational.  The emergence of the more-rational political orientation was also pushed by the previous political experience of ''being betrayed by the political elite ', just like in 1999 General Election at the reform era. The chance also rose after the changes in the system of General Election that introduced the district and proportional system, and the direct president election that rose up the important of people's vote and aspiration. The changes had pushed the political elites to approach the people, fit themselves with the people's rhythm and dynamism, including the aspiration for political transparency and political accountability by willing to sign the political contract. 

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