On the Limits of Oppositional Humor: The Turkish Political Context

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enis Dinç
Keyword(s):  
Textual Analysis ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Turkish Government ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Oppositional Discourse ◽  
Work First ◽  
Historical Periods

The present work analyzes the articulation of humor as an oppositional discourse in the Turkish political context, with particular focus on the current controversies between humorists and the Turkish government. It first deals with current debates between satirists and the government, showing how discourses of oppositional humor are created by the media. By pointing out the similarity among the descriptions and statements on the oppositional nature of humor made by some political satirists and intellectuals, the work questions the validity of these statements by looking at the interpretations of humor in different historical periods and cultural domains in Turkey. The final part of this work undertakes a textual analysis of the aforementioned depictions of the way in which humor challenges existing power structures, as conveyed by some of its producers. It highlights the contradictions of this articulation. Two conclusions are derived from this work. First, the oppositional nature of the humorist discourse represents only a partial and ideal reading of it; therefore it cannot be taken as universal. Second, the oppositional nature of the discourse of humor should be reconsidered and studied by specific cases and contexts.

Irom Sharmila’s Struggle against Military Repression: A Critique

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-181
Author(s):  
Nandita Haksar
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

This article argues that although Irom Sharmila’s 16-year-old fast from November 2000 to August 2016 has earned her the status of an icon of non-violent protest, yet she did not seek these appellations; her only aim was to put moral pressure on the government to repeal the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958. The article seeks to assess the efficacy of Irom Sharmila’s protest and how far it has helped or hindered in mobilizing public opinion against the Act. It propounds that the publicity around Irom Sharmila put her on a pedestal and trapped her in her own image, made invisible entire histories of sufferings of people in the northeast, including Manipur, and their struggles against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. The gains of many struggles and efforts were wiped out of the collective memory of the nation and the only image of Manipur was this frail woman with a tube hanging from her nose. The article also argues that there is a kind of fetish in the way the media celebrates non-violence without reference to the political context.

scholarly journals REPRESENTASI AKSI 212 DI KORAN SINDO DAN MEDIA INDONESIA (Representation of 212 Action in Sindo and Media Indonesia Newspaper)

Kandai ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Yusep Ahmadi F ◽  
Reka Yuda Mahardika
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Text Interpretation ◽  
Positive Meaning ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

Makalah ini merupakan hasil penelitian analisis wacana kritis terhadap pemberitaan yang berkait wacana Aksi 212 di media Koran Sindo dan Media Indonesia. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui representasi Aksi 212 di kedua media tersebut. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan teori AWK Fairclough. Hasil  analisis teks menunjukkan Koran Sindo telah merepresentasikan Aksi 212 ke dalam makna dan citra yang positif. Sementara itu, Media Indonesia dalam merepresentasikan Aksi 212 dibawah dominasi representasi Joko Widodo sebagai presiden yang mendapatkan apresiasi dari berbagai kalangan atas kehadirannya di Aksi 212. Pada tataran interpretasi teks Koran Sindo lebih berpihak kepada Aksi 212 dibanding Media Indonesia. Hal itu sangat terlihat dari judul berita yang disiarkan. Koran Sindo memberikan judul “Aksi Supermassa, Superdamai” sedangkan koran Media Indonesia berjudul  “Presiden Banjir Pujian Datangi Peserta Aksi”. Pada tataran eksplanasi dapat disimpulkan representasi tersebut sejalan dengan konteks sosiokultural-politik yang melatarbelakangi dua media tersebut. Koran Sindo yang dipimpin Hary Tanoesudibjo dikenal dekat dengan Islam, hal itu sebagai upaya meraih dukungan muslim untuk bisnis media dan partai Perindo. Sementara itu, Media Indonesia yang tidak terlepas dari sosiopolitik Surya Paloh adalah pendukung pemerintah termasuk pendukung gubernur Ahok yang diduga (dikatakan diduga karena pada saat itu Ahok belum terbukti secara hukum menistakan agama Islam) menistakan agama Islam. (This paper is the result of critical discourse analysis research on news related to the discourse of  212 Action in Sindo and Media Indonesia newspapers. The purpose of this study  is to find out the representation of 212 Action in both media. The method used is qualitative with the Fairclough AWK theory. The results of the text analysis show that Koran Sindo has represented  212 Action in a positive meaning and image. Meanwhile, Media Indonesia represents  212 Action under the domination of Joko Widodo's representation as president who gets appreciation from various circles for his presence in  212 Action. At the level of text interpretation, Sindo newspaper is more in favor of  212 Action than Media Indonesia. This is very evident from the title of the news broadcast: the Sindo newspaper gave the title "Supermassa Action, Superdamai" while the Media Indonesia newspaper entitled "The President Praised for  Visiting Participants in Action". At the level of explanation, it can be concluded that the representation is in line with the socio-cultural-political context underlying the two media. The Sindo newspaper, led by Hary Tanoesudibjo, is known to be close to Islam, as an effort to gain Muslim support for the media business and the Perindo party. Meanwhile, Media Indonesia, which is inseparable from the sociopolitics of Surya Paloh, is a supporter of the government, including supporters of the Ahok, governor who is suspected of defaming Islam.)

Looking in From the Outside: Media in the Mix of Governance, Security and Development

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
G.M. Shahidul Alam
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Business Environment ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Internet Age ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media

The Constitutions of democratic countries list, and elaborately specify the makeup and functions of, three branches of government: the Executive, Legislature, and Judiciary. The Media, dubbed the Fourth Estate by Edmund Burke, cannot be a part of the government. In fact, to contemplate a free media being a part of a government would be an oxymoron. After all, the Media is there to keep a check on the abuse of power by the government and other power structures. This paper looks at the media’s role in a country’s governance, security, and development, and these are encapsulated, indicating also to their complementarity, in the quality traditional media’s glamour best: political journalism. Today, in the early twenty-first century, journalism is still, for good and ill, at the heart of politics. But political journalism is also changing and reinventing itself as a craft and a profession in the face of harsh competition, a rapidly changing business environment, and a political world undergoing its own profound changes. Furthermore, in the Internet Age, the new media, because of the possibilities for good or mischief that it can create, is often a target for manipulation towards one’s own benefit, and at the expense of other political entities, in a number of countries.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

Selfi es

2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-96
Author(s):  
Ramon Reichert
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Digital Communication ◽  
Role Expectations ◽  
Digital Culture ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Human Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
Front Stage

The history of the human face is the history of its social coding and the media- conditions of its appearance. The best way to explain the »selfie«-practices of today’s digital culture is to understand such practices as both participative and commercialized cultural techniques that allow their users to fashion their selves in ways they consider relevant for their identities as individuals. Whereas they may put their image of themselves front stage with their selfies, such images for being socially shared have to match determinate role-expectations, body-norms and ideals of beauty. Against this backdrop, collectively shared repertoires of images of normalized subjectivity have developed and leave their mark on the culture of digital communication. In the critical and reflexive discourses that surround the exigencies of auto-medial self-thematization we find reactions that are critical of self-representation as such, and we find strategies of de-subjectification with reflexive awareness of their media conditions. Both strands of critical reactions however remain ambivalent as reactions of protest. The final part of the present article focuses on inter-discourses, in particular discourses that construe the phenomenon of selfies thoroughly as an expression of juvenile narcissism. The author shows how this commonly accepted reading which has precedents in the history of pictorial art reproduces resentment against women and tends to stylize adolescent persons into a homogenous »generation« lost in self-love

Negative Media Effects and Islamic Remedies (Penyelesaian Kepada Kesan Negatif Media Menurut Perspektif Islam)

2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Mohd. Shuhaimi Ishak
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Social Influences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Essential Form ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Effects Of Media ◽  
Political Economic

 Abstract Generally speaking, media is extensively used as the means to disseminate news and information pertaining to business, social, political and religious concerns. A portion of the time and space of media has now become an important device to generate economic and social activities that include advertising, marketing, recreation and entertainment. The Government regards them as an essential form of relaying news and information to its citizens and at the same time utilizes them as a powerful public relations’ mechanism. The effects of media are many and diverse, which can either be short or long term depending on the news and information. The effects of media can be found on various fronts, ranging from the political, economic and social, to even religious spheres. Some of the negative effects arising from the media are cultural and social influences, crimes and violence, sexual obscenities and pornography as well as liberalistic and extreme ideologies. This paper sheds light on these issues and draws principles from Islam to overcome them. Islam as revealed to humanity contains the necessary guidelines to nurture and mould the personality of individuals and shape them into good servants. Key Words: Media, Negative Effects, Means, Islam and Principles. Abstrak Secara umum, media secara meluas digunakan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarkan berita dan maklumat yang berkaitan dengan perniagaan, kemasyarakatan, pertimbangan politik dan agama. Sebahagian dari ruang dan masa media kini telah menjadi peranti penting untuk menghasilkan kegiatan ekonomi dan sosial yang meliputi pengiklanan, pemasaran, rekreasi dan hiburan. Kerajaan menganggap sarana-sarana ini sebagai wadah penting untuk menyampaikan berita dan maklumat kepada warganya dan pada masa yang sama juga menggunakannya sebagai mekanisme perhubungan awam yang berpengaruh. Pengaruh media sangat banyak dan pelbagai, samada berbentuk jangka pendek atau panjang bergantung kepada berita dan maklumat yang brekenaan. Kesan dari media boleh didapati mempengaruhi pelbagai aspek, bermula dari bidang politik, ekonomi, sosial bahkan juga agama. Beberapa kesan negatif yang timbul dari media ialah pengaruhnya terhadap budaya dan sosial, jenayah dan keganasan, kelucahan seksual dan pornografi serta ideologi yang liberal dan ekstrim. Kertas ini menyoroti isu-isu ini dan cuba mengambil prinsip-prinsip dari ajaran Islam untuk mengatasinya. Tujuan Islam itu sendiri diturunkan kepada umat manusia ialah untuk menjadi pedoman yang diperlukan untuk membina dan membentuk keperibadian individu dan menjadikan manusia hamba yang taat kepada Tuhannya. Kata Kunci: Media, Kesan Negatif, Cara-cara, Islam dan Prinsip-prinsip.

scholarly journals Corporate Environmental Performance in China: The Moderating Effects of the Media versus the Approach of Local Governments

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 150
Author(s):  
Zhiru Guo ◽  
Chao Lu
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Environmental Performance ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Random Effect ◽  
Random Effect Model ◽  
Corporate Environmental Performance ◽  
Media Attention ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article selects the listed companies in China’s A-share heavy pollution industry from 2014 to 2018 as samples, uses a random effect model to empirically test the relationship between media attention and corporate environmental performance and examines the impacts of local government environmental protection and property nature on that relationship. Results are as follow: (1) Media attention can significantly affect a company’s environmental performance. The higher the media attention, the greater the company’s supervision and the better its environmental performance. (2) In areas where the government pays less attention to environmental protection, the impact of media on corporate environmental performance is more obvious, but in other areas, the impact of media on environmental performance cannot be reflected; (3) The media attention is very significant for the environmental performance improvement of state-owned enterprises, and it is not obvious in non-state-owned enterprises. (4) A further breakdown of the study found that the role of media attention in corporate environmental performance is only significant in the sample of local governments that have low environmental protection and are state-owned enterprises. This research incorporates the local government’s emphasis on environmental protection into the research field of vision, expands the research scope of media and corporate environmental performance, and also provides new clues and evidence for promoting the active fulfillment of environmental protection responsibilities by companies and local governments.

scholarly journals Getting a Foot in the Door: Small-Firm Credit and Interest Group Politics in the Netherlands, 1900–1927

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
RUBEN PEETERS
Keyword(s):  
Small Firm ◽  
Small Firms ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Access To Credit ◽  
Financial Infrastructure ◽  
History Of ◽  
Interest Group Politics ◽  
Group Politics ◽  
The Government

This article explores the link between the history of small-firm associations and the development of Dutch financial infrastructure geared toward small firms. In particular, it tests Verdier’s thesis about the origins of state banking using an in-depth case study of the Dutch small-firm movement. This article shows that Dutch small-firm associations did not simply became politically relevant and use their power to lobby for state banking, but rather used the topic of insufficient access to credit to rally support, mobilize members, and obtain subsidies from the government. During this associational process, they had to navigate local contexts and power structures that, in turn, also shaped the financial system. State banking was initially not demanded by small firms, but arose as the result of failed experiments with subsidized banking infrastructure and a changing position of the government on how to intervene in the economy.

Accountability and the Media

2014 ◽  
Vol 652 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-221
Author(s):  
Anton Harber
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
News Media ◽  
Media Access ◽  
Political Interference ◽  
The Face ◽  
Public Broadcaster ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cost ◽  
Poor Management

Two decades of contestation over the nature and extent of transformation in the South African news media have left a sector different in substantive ways from the apartheid inheritance but still patchy in its capacity to fill the democratic ideal. Change came fast to a newly open broadcasting sector, but has faltered in recent years, particularly in a public broadcaster troubled by political interference and poor management. The potential of online media to provide much greater media access has been hindered by the cost of bandwidth. Community media has grown but struggled to survive financially. Print media has been aggressive in investigative exposé, but financial cutbacks have damaged routine daily coverage. In the face of this, the government has turned its attention to the print sector, demanding greater—but vaguely defined—transformation and threatened legislation. This has met strong resistance.

Girl Interrupted

2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Máiréad Enright
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Government Response ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article discusses the case of Shekinah Egan, an Irish Muslim girl who asked to be allowed to wear the hijab to school. It traces the media and government response to her demand, and frames that demand as a citizenship claim. It focuses in particular on a peculiarity of the Irish response; that the government was disinclined to legislate for the headscarf in the classroom. It argues that – perhaps counter-intuitively – the refusal to make law around the hijab operated to silence the citizenship claims at the heart of the Egan case. To this extent, it was a very particular instance of a broader and ongoing pattern of exclusion of the children of migrants from the Irish public sphere.

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