Quarters, Communities and Converts; Creating Networks in an Age of Bureaucratic Expansion in the Mediterranean (Rodosçuk, 1546-1553)

2013 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-389
Author(s):  
Özlem Sert

Abstract Zooming into the active relations of people in the harbour neighbourhoods show vivid life in Ottoman port towns. Converts, bridging the Muslim and Non-Muslim communities; immigrants: bridding the urban and rural relations mostly inhabited around the harbour in Çavuş Hüseyin Quarter of Rodosçuk between 1546-1553. The hierarchies of Ottoman Society constructed by legal status, political power, economic power, gender, seniority were crossed through networks of individual relations of the inhabitants. An analysis of these relations, a zoom to the lives of people who reproduced hierarchies and networks makes one recognize the details changing lives.

Author(s):  
Stephanie J. Brown

The fullness of Woolf’s engagement with early-twentieth-century feminism has at times been overshadowed by the prominence given A Room of One’s Own, and by longstanding archival obstacles to accessing her extensive work in periodicals. This chapter aims to offer an overview of Woolf’s engagement with British feminism during her lifetime, and to promote a richer conversation about how Woolf’s fiction, journalism, and essays, as well as A Room and Three Guineas, reflect a sustained engagement with, contributions to, and wariness of the feminist concerns of her day. Her responses to women’s suffrage, worker’s rights, the legal status of married women, education, political power, economic parity, and pacifism were unified by her consistent endeavors to draw attention to patriarchy as structuring public perceptions of ‘women’s issues’. (125)


2021 ◽  
pp. 59-96
Author(s):  
Melissa Vosen Callens

Chapter three describes how the economic landscape of the 1980s heavily influenced the family dynamics discussed in chapter two, with careful attention to the widening income gap and the paradoxical rise of conspicuous consumption. The chapter demonstrates how access to the American Dream—or lack thereof—is represented in 1980s popular culture and Stranger Things, reflecting and generating increased cynicism of Gen Xers. While many films of the 1980s fail to explore the relationship between economic power and social and political power, Stranger Things does so, but does so implicitly.


Author(s):  
Vito Tanzi

Policies can aim at results that are good for the whole population or policies can be directed at special groups. General policies may help overall but hurt some subsectors, for example free trade that is now under attack because it has hurt some sectors even though it has promoted a higher growth. Economic theory has increasingly moved from policies that help overall to policies that help or hurt particular groups (the elite, the rich, industrial workers). Policies are frequently promoted by the groups that have the greatest political power, often accompaniedby economic power. Policies have become progressively more complex and less easy to understand for average citizens. Smaller groups, especially those with greater economic power find it easier to organize and to push their agenda and policy responds to such pressure. Various kinds of what could be called “termites” have entered the policymaking process. They include the length and the complexity of many laws, making them less transparent to normal citizens and easier to manipulate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
Александр Сквозников ◽  
Aleksandr Skvoznikov

The aim of the article is to investigate the legal status of non-Muslim communities in the Ottoman Empire. The author concluded that the sources of Islamic law, including the Koran and Islamic legal doctrine, formed the basis of the legal system of the Ottoman Empire, recognized the equality of people regardless of their racial, ethnic or religious affiliation. Non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire guaranteed the right to life, security of person and property, freedom of religion, freedom of economic activity, the right to judicial protection and protection against external enemies. However, the scope of rights and duties of citizens depend on their religious affiliation. The Ottoman Empire was essentially theocratic state, where Islam is the state religion and regularly held a dominant position among the other denominations. Served non-Muslim were somewhat limited in their rights: they could not come to the state, including military service, which does not allow us to talk about full equality of all subjects of the Ottoman Empire, regardless of religion.


2016 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Levine

AbstractThis essay seeks to revalue repetition in literary studies. Critics have often treated repetition—clichés, rules, norms, mechanization, monotony—as the painful or oppressive backdrop against which their best values emerge: originality, distinctiveness, resistance. But this critical tendency has carried its own repressive effects, including wresting our attention from collectivities and solidarities. A reading of John Clare’s 1820 poem “The Harvest Morning” shows that repetition is crucial to the exercise of political and economic power and that poetic forms, especially rhythm and rhyme, are well suited for theorizing the repetitions of political power through their own intrinsic repetitiveness.


1962 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cherry Gertzel

When the British Oil Rivers Protectorate was established in 1885, the political independence of the Delta States came to an end. The European invasion of African sovereignty, which in effect began in 1849 with the appointment of a British Consul, was complete. Since trade and politics were so intimately linked within these states, which had for so long guarded the middleman trade in the interior, the fortunes of the middleman chiefs were bound to be affected by such a major political change. The material which has emerged from my study of John Holt in relation to his Delta trade in the period 1880–1910, suggests, however, that the economic power of the chiefs (as opposed to the rulers) was by no means so quickly affected as has usually been suggested. The deposition of King Ja Ja of Opobo in 1887 symbolizes the end of the political power of the Delta rulers. His middleman chiefs were able, however, to maintain their control of the middleman organization of trade for a few years longer. Similarly, in each of the other rivers (with the exception of Brass), while the ruler lost his power, his hierarchy of middlemen retained control of internal commerce until almost the turn of the century.


Daímon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Julio Martínez-Cava Aguilar

El objetivo de este artículo es proporcionar algunas claves históricas y conceptuales para comprender la historia del socialismo británico libertarian y su relación con la concepción fiduciaria del poder político y del poder económico. Las expresiones de este socialismo no son homogéneas, convivieron con otras ideas rivales llegando en ocasiones a mezclarse con ellas; y fueron formuladas siempre como respuestas concretas ante los problemas que planteaba cada momento histórico. Desde el socialismo republicano de algunos seguidores de Robert Owen hasta los desafíos que planteó la New Left, las teorías fiduciarias encontraron hueco para abrirse paso en los escritos de estos socialistas libertarian.   The objective of this paper is to provide some historical and conceptual keys to understand the history of libertarian British socialism, and its relationship with the fiduciary conception of political power and economic power. The expressions of this libertarian socialism are not homogeneous, they coexisted with other rival conceptions, sometimes mixing with them. Those articulations were always formulated as concrete responses to the problems laid out by different historical moments. From the republican socialism of some Robert Owen’s followers to the challenges exposed by the New Left, fiduciary theory found room to break through in the writings of these libertarian socialists.


2004 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-45
Author(s):  
Václav Bůžek

AbstractIn Bohemia and Moravia, a religious dualism prevailed following the Hussite revolution and the Compactata of 1436. Although the Compactata were abolished by the pope in 1462, the treaty of Kuttenberg guaranteed a right to individual choice in religion, something the nobility viewed as a crucial privilege. But such choice became a victim of a growing re-Catholicization in the sixteenth century. Although Catholic nobles were a minority in Bohemia and Moravia, they were better organized and supported the Habsburgs and the Council of Trent. Their efforts succeeded in contriving a situation in which non-Catholic nobles were tolerated, but excluded from serving in high state offices. Non-Catholic nobles, starting in the 1570s, attempted to organize themselves, and drew up the Confessio Bohemica, which would have given them control over education, church administration, church courts, and censorship. Although the Confessio never achieved legal status, Calvinist noblemen used the dynastic crises of the Habsburgs during the years 1608-11 to further their agenda. A charter, ratified in 1609, gave them control over the lower consistory courts, Charles University, and a body of Defensors who oversaw the preservation of religious liberties. They thereby established a "state within a state," and unavoidably set themselves up for later conflict with the Habsburgs. After their defeat at the battle of the White Mountain, a revised constitution (1627 in Bohemia, 1628 in Moravia) ended religious toleration by outlawing non-Catholic worship, and paving the way to a later absolutism.


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