scholarly journals Calculators in Divinity: Henry Savile and Thomas Bradwardine

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 116-137
Author(s):  
Scott Mandelbrote

Abstract This essay discusses the immediate context and form of the publication of Henry Savile’s edition of Thomas Bradwardine’s De causa Dei (1618). It sets out the political and theological significance of the work in relation to publications of the King’s Printers, the Synod of Dort, and the activities of Archbishop Abbot. It moves on to consider how the edition was made, resituating it in Oxford intellectual life of the early 1610s and in the broader world of theological controversy, and identifying some of those who conceived and assisted with the work. It considers which manuscripts were used in making the edition.

Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Dennard

In Irish culture, the Celtic Harp is a metaphor for human struggle, freedom and intellectual life and, as such, is inextricably bound to politics. Separating Irish society from its politics, the birth of its government and music is simply not possible. Having a conference on Music and Civic Space in Ireland made a kind of sense in this way. In May 2005, an interdisciplinary group of international scholars were invited to University College Cork by the Department of Government to discuss the relationship between music and governance and, in particular, music’s role in creating public culture. The symposium offered here to the readers of Public Voices is a product and a direct outcome of the conference.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
Nick Henry ◽  
Adrian Smith

It was over 25 years ago that European Urban and Regional Studies was launched at a time of epochal change in the composition of the political, economic and social map of Europe. Brexit has been described as an epochal moment – and at such a moment, European Urban and Regional Studies felt it should offer the space for short commentaries on Brexit and its impact on the relationships of place, space and scale across the cultural, economic, social and political maps of the ‘new Europes’. Seeking contributions drawing on the theories, processes and patterns of urban and regional development, the following provides 10 contributions on Europe, the UK and/or their relational geographies in a post-Brexit world. What the drawn-out and highly contested process of Brexit has done for the populace, residents and ex-pats of the UK is to reveal the inordinate ways in which our mental, everyday and legal maps of the regions, nations and places of the UK in Europe are powerful, territorially and rationally inconsistent, downright quirky at times but also intensely unequal. First, as the UK exits the Single Market, the nature of the political imagination needed to create alternatives to the construction of new borders and new divisions, even within a discourse of creating a ‘global Britain’, remains uncertain. European Urban and Regional Studies has always been a journal dedicated to the importance of pan-European scholarly integration and solidarity and we hope that it will continue to intervene in debates over what alternative imaginings to a more closed and introverted future might look like. Second, as the impacts of COVID-19 continue to change in profound ways how we think, work and travel across European space, we will need to find new forms of integration and new forms of engagament in intellectual life and policy development. European Urban and Regional Studies remains commited to forging such forms.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.


2017 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Epstein

AbstractThis article examines key themes in the political and intellectual life of E. P. Thompson. It argues for the centrality of romanticism to his work; it focuses on his unfinished study of the early Romantics. Thompson drew parallels between socialist hopes and disappointments of his own day and the reactions of the early romantic poets to the failed promise of the French Revolution. This article charts the trajectory of the early Romantics as they moved from political engagement to retreat, and relates this trajectory to Thompson's own politics. Thompson discerned a pattern whereby intellectuals and artists moved through stages from political engagement to disenchantment and then to “apostasy” or default. Disenchantment could be a productive condition; at issue was how the poet handled the “authenticity of experience,” how disenchantment was dealt with in verse. Both Thompson and the Romantics privileged the concept of “experience” which they set in opposition to abstract theory. The article's final section turns to themes that Thompson had intended to address but left unfinished, including shifting views of patriotism and the defeated cause of women's rights. For Thompson the romantic impulse was ultimately linked to utopian desire, to the capacity to imagine that which is “not yet.”


2010 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 451-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasileios Syros

AbstractThis article offers a detailed investigation of Byzantine and post-Byzantine perceptions of the political organization of the Italian city-states. Drawing on philosophical and historical writing produced by Byzantine and post-Byzantine authors between the thirteenth and seventeenth centuries, it identifies the main patterns and motifs that informed Byzantine discourse about the constitutional arrangements of such Italian cities as Genoa, Venice, Florence, and Milan. It shows how these come into play in the writings of major figures of Byzantine and post-Byzantine intellectual life such as Theodoros Metochites, John Kantakouzenos, Nikephoros Gregoras, George of Trebizond, Cardinal Bessarion, Laonikos Chalkokondyles, and John Kottunios. It also explores the ways in which the classical legacy of political thought was applied by Byzantine writers in their analysis of various constitutional forms. The findings of this survey provide new insights into cross-cultural exchanges between the Byzantine world and medieval and early modern Europe and the formation of Byzantine identity.


Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nicola D'Elia

The debate surrounding German Social Democracy during the era of the Second International represents an important chapter in the historiography of post-Second World War Italy. At the same time, it also marks some crucial moments in the political and intellectual life of Republican Italy. This article aims to show the close relationship between the investigation of the past and the ongoing political struggle that has characterised research on this issue. Study of the topic was practically monopolised by left-wing historians, who, in dealing with the history of German Social Democracy, aimed also to direct the political strategy of workers’ parties. Considering the studies appearing after the 1956 crisis and in the mid-1970s, such a goal seems evident. It was only during the 1980s that the research opened itself to different perspectives – no longer influenced by ideological controversies.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Victoria de Grazia

The Feltrinelli Institute was founded in 1949 by the Milanese publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli – its aim “to promote the knowledge and study – carried out in accordance with strictly scientific criteria and complete ideological autonomy – of the history, the political and economic thought and the social ideas of the modern and contemporary eras; particular importance is to be given to Italy and to the economic phenomena, political doctrines and more historically important social movements of the country.” Feltrinelli's initiative, which began with the library and a rich collection of materials on French socialism, was an important first step toward filling the vacuum in documentation and research on the Italian working class and socialist movements left by two decades of Fascist government. In the following years, the library and research activities of the Institute played a leading role in the reconstruction of intellectual life and political debate in Italy. Its publications, especially Movimento Operaio (1947–1955) and the Annali (1958-) contained some of the most important contributions to the study of the Italian working class and peasantry, and socialist movements made in the postwar period.


2016 ◽  
pp. 69-90
Author(s):  
Mohammad Jahangir Alam

Japanese Religion, in general, refers to the multiplicity of religions in Japan. Different religious traditions coexist in Japan for centuries after centuries without breaking interreligious harmony among them. The present work especially focuses the Traditional Japanese Religions as major elements of culture that are basically a mixture of folk religions, early Shinto, Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. Shinto has been the indigenous tradition for over two thousand years until it was synthesized with foreign elements. Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism have profoundly influenced the spiritual and socio-political life of the Japanese since 6th century AD. These religious traditions have long met, interacted and influenced each other and together formed the religious and cultural life of the Japanese people. Nonetheless, though the religious and intellectual life of the court was dominated by Buddhist and Confucian thought during the seventh and eighth centuries, Shinto remained the religion of the people and also became almost a part of the political machinery.Philosophy and Progress, Vol#55-56; No#1-2; Jan-Dec 2014


2019 ◽  
pp. 129-150
Author(s):  
Paul Robinson

This chapter concerns Russian emigration. Historians have contrasted the political weakness of the Russian emigration with its vibrant artistic and intellectual life. In 1922, the Bolsheviks expelled 220 of Russia's leading intellectuals on the so-called “philosophers' steamer.” They and other émigrés made important contributions to a large range of subjects, including philosophy and history, while émigré communities produced hundreds of journals and newspapers. In the post-Soviet era, as Russian politicians and intellectuals have sought non-communist sources of inspiration, many have turned to émigré writings. Important political figures such as President Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov have cited émigré thinkers in their speeches. Although it was cut off from the vitally important developments taking place in the Soviet Union, the emigration is an integral part of Russian history.


1955 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 212-220
Author(s):  
Lacey Baldwin Smith

Over a generation ago Lucien Febvre wrote a short article on the origins of the Reformation which he called “Une question mal posée.” Today the question remains just as “mal” as it ever was, and the modern historian who ventures forth into these eristic fields of study will find that time has in no way mitigated the full vigor of the historiographical and theological controversy that surrounds the Protestant Reformation. Some scholars have endeavoured to find the secret of the upheaval in the political machinations of unscrupulous princes and the dynastic ambitions of rival sovereigns. Others of a more social and economic bent prefer some variant of the school of economic determinism. The institutional historian tends to see the Reformation as part of the growth of the centralized national state while yet others say that the revolt was the result of corruption and abuse within the mother institution itself—the Catholic Church. Those who see the movement as part of the vast intellectual revolution of the era, hail the Protestant revolution as the “coming-of-age” of medieval Europe—the emancipation of the laity and the lay mind from the tutelage of the ecclesiastical. It is unnecessary to enumerate further. The only point which I have to contribute along these lines is to say that all of these suggested reasons fail to explain adequately three aspects of the Reformation which historians at least have tended to ignore.


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