Studies of Taiwan’s Feminist Discourses and Women’s Movements

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-114
Author(s):  
Doris T. Chang
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Women's Status ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Movement Strategies

In the twentieth century, Taiwanese feminists have selectively appropriated various strands of Western feminism to improve women’s status and meet women’s needs. In this article, several scholarly works pertaining to the analysis of various strands of Taiwanese feminism, and the historical development of women’s movements published in the 1990s, as well as after, will be reviewed and discussed. The lifting of martial law in 1987 created the political climate that enabled Taiwanese feminists to lift their self-censorship and contribute to the diversification of feminist discourses and ngos in Taiwanese civil society. The mid-1990s was another watershed in the transformation of Taiwanese feminist discourses and women’s movement strategies.

scholarly journals Political and Legal Novelty as the Contribution of Indonesian Women’s Movement in the Advocacy on Affirmative Policy in Election and Law on the Abolition of Domestic Violence

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 77
Author(s):  
Anita Dhewy ◽  
Bella Sandiata
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Adaptive Strategies ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Private And Public

This article discusses the novelty of the women’s movement in encouraging women’s political representation and advocating for the elimination of domestic violence. Data is obtained through interviews with actors involved in the women’s movement, especially actors from civil society organizations. The results of the study show that the women’s movement in the Advocacy on Affirmative Policy in Election becomes a sign of the inclusion of women in the political agenda. While the women’s movement in the advocacy for Law on the Abolition of Domestic Violence dismantles private and public dichotomies that are detrimental to women in the context<br />of domestic violence. This study also shows that women’s movements need strong concepts, adaptive strategies and synergies with various elements to be able to push the women’s agenda and encourage change.

Christian women’s movements in secularizing and diversifying contexts: a case study from Belgium

2018 ◽  
pp. 117-133
Author(s):  
Nella van den Brandt
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Women's History ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
The Face

This chapter considers the case of Flanders. In Flanders, Christian women's movements belonging to Catholic civil society used to draw a large following and were able to contribute to the political, religious, and social emancipation of Catholic women throughout Belgium. Today, however, these Christian women's movements face declining membership and the need to ‘reinvent’ themselves according to contemporary times and women's needs. Looking at how a movement that is constitutive of Christian women's history in Flanders rethinks its self-presentation, the chapter aims to generate important insights, both descriptive and normative, into the role and place of Christian feminism and Christian women's movements in the face of social changes that take place across Western Europe.

The City and the Law. Aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s Critique of the Philosophers

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-24
Author(s):  
Leonardo Capezzone
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
World History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic Philosophy ◽  
Critical Attitude ◽  
History Of ◽  
The City

Abstract The history of Khaldunian readings in the twentieth century reveals an analytical capacity of non-Orientalists definitely greater than that demonstrated by the Orientalists. The latter, at least until the 1950s, prove to be prisoners of that syndrome denounced by Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which projected on Islamic historical development a specificity and an alterity, which make it an exception in world history. Orientalist scholarship has often wanted to see in Ibn Khaldūn’s critical attitude to the philosophy of al-Fārābī and Averroes only the confirmation of the primacy of the sharīʿa over Platonic nomos. This article seeks to highlight some aspects of Ibn Khaldūn’s critique of classical political thought of Islamic philosophy. His critique focuses on the importance given to the juridical dimension of social becoming, and to the role of the political body of the jurists in the making of the City. Those aspects witness Ibn Khaldūn’s effort to interpret change and fractures as factors which make sense of history and decadence.

scholarly journals Nazione e Stato nella storia d'Italia

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandro Rogari
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
First World War ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
First World ◽  
The Way

The book delineates the emergence of a unitary state from the bedrock of a nation formed over centuries. It retraces the major advances in the integration between the state and civil society achieved in the first fifty years after unification, and the disastrous consequences wrought by the First World War and by Fascism. It underscores the way in which the post-war democratic revival rewound the virtuous process of construction of a state capable of expressing the Italian "plural nation". Despite this, it also stresses the way in which the ethical deterioration and the corruption of the political and administrative class that came to a head during the last twenty years of the twentieth century have again brought to the fore the problem of the construction of shared institutions.

A Brexit from neoliberalism?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryn Jones ◽  
Michael O’Donnell
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Housing Finance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Discourse ◽  
Key Points ◽  
The Social ◽  
Market State

This conclusion brings together key points from the alternative macro-paradigms in Part I, the institutional parameters and reforms to these, discussed in Part II– and the political and economic re-structuring advocated in Part III. It argues that a new social democracy is needed to achieve the rebalancing of the market-state-civil society relationship distorted by neoliberalism. This shift, should be based on democratization and accountability in the social and economic spheres as well as in conventional politics. A paradigm and practice drawn from and substantially driven by a social base rooted in recent social movements and more progressive NGOs. Applied to ‘fictitious commodity’ fields such as housing, finance and employment, its discourse would emphasis gender and practical environmental issues to ground a post-neoliberal politics in more relevant and popular concern than the stagnant, tendentious and often obscure abstractions of economic discourse. It is argued that the related ideas and policies could, at the least, achieve a regime change within contemporary capitalism. A change comparable to the social democracy which successfully displaced the market hegemony of the nineteenth and early twentieth century.

A state within a state: the role of the church in two Italian political transitions

Modern Italy ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-459
Author(s):  
John Pollard
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Liberal State ◽  
Political Transitions ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Church

This article analyses the parallels between the role played by the Church, first during the Crisis of the Liberal State in the early twentieth century and then during the transition from the Christian Democratic regime to the ‘bi-polar’ Second Republic more than 70 years later. It explores both the particular, contingent forces at work in each, and the underlying explanations as to why the Church was able to successfully exploit these two processes of transition in the political history of Italy to its advantage. It concludes by arguing that the experience of these two crises demonstrates that the Church is not only a powerful force in Italian civil society but also effectively ‘a state within a state’ in relation to the functioning of Italy's political structures.

scholarly journals TRADISI PENULISAN HASYIYAH DI DUNIA ISLAM

ALQALAM ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 339
Author(s):  
IRFAN SALIM
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Historical Development ◽  
Political Process ◽  
External Factors ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Writing Systems ◽  
Main Text ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Islamic Civilization

In the historical development of Islamic knowledge, there was one interesting and unique tradition, i.e. the tradition of writing by giving annotation toward a previous work, and then this annotation was annotated again by another author. The work that became a main source or reference, which was called matn, then was annotated in the farm of syarh, and this syarh, then, was given explanation, which was called hasyiyah or faotnotes to put the sources or detail explanation on main of syarh that were not included in the main text. There was also hamisy in the annotation. The function of hamisy was similar to the hasyiyah. While the hamisy was put in the flanks or borders of the book, the hasyiyah (footnotes) was put on the bottom of pages in a smaller fant of letters. However, if the annotation was considered too long, the other ulama summarize it in the farm of mukhtashar. It seems that these writing systems had been conducted from the fall of Islamic civilization until the twentieth century. One factor that caused this condition was the intellectual ignorance because of various external factors in the political process and political structure in that period so that it influenced the intellectual of some Muslim thinkers at the moment. They viewed that knowledge or science was finished, and what thry could do was to understand what had been inherited by previous generations. kaywords: hasyiyah, syarh, ta'liq  

De-centring Twentieth-Century Women's Movements

2001 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 503-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise Z. Davidson
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Political Union ◽  
Cornell University ◽  
Princeton University ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

Cheryl Law, Suffrage and Power: The Women's Movement, 1918–1928 (London: I. B. Taurus, 1997), 260 pp., £39.50, ISBN 1-86064-201-2.Christine Bard, ed., Un Siècle d'antiféminisme (Paris: Fayard, 1999), 481 pp., FF 150.00, ISBN 2-213-60285-9.Kathryn Kish Sklar, Anja Schüler and Susan Strasser, eds., Social Justice Feminists in the United States and Germany: A Dialogue in Documents, 1885–1933 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 381 pp., $19.95, ISBN. 0-8014-8469-3.Leila Rupp, Worlds of Women: The Making of an International Women's Movement (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), 325 pp., cloth $55.00, pb $19.95, ISBN 0-691-01675-5.Mrinalini Sinha, Donna Guy and Angela Woollacott, eds., Feminisms and Internationalism, Gender and History Special Issue, 264 pp. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999). $24.95, ISBN 0-631-20919-0.When we think of the women's movements of the early twentieth century, organisations like Britain's WSPU (Women's Social and Political Union) come to mind and we envision suffragettes marching and getting themselves arrested in cities like London. None of the books discussed here deals with this ‘mainstream’ view of feminism. Instead, they investigate women's movements and reactions to them from other perspectives. Approaching their subject matter from different angles, these recent works offer new interpretations of the history of feminism in the twentieth century. Together they make us consider a geographical re-focusing on the subject of women's movements. They raise questions about the chronology of feminism; they highlight the complicated relationships between ‘globalisation’ and nationalism and centre and periphery; and they draw attention to changing definitions of feminism depending on time and place and the issues at stake.

Women in Modern Egypt

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hoda Elsadda
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Egyptian Women ◽  
History Of ◽  
Modern Egypt

Women in Egypt have always played key roles in society in different historical eras. In the modern period, women were at the forefront of the modernization project that gained momentum at the end of the 19th century and the first decades of the 20th century. “The woman question” occupied center stage in debates about the new modern nation in the making and against the background of colonial domination as Egypt became a British protectorate in 1882. The period from the 1920s to the early 1950s is noted as a period that was particularly vibrant in the history of the women’s movement and witnessed rapid developments in women’s participation in the public sphere. Women founded magazines, established civil society organizations in all fields, joined the national movement for independence, and contributed to key ongoing debates on the modernization project. In 1952, the Free Officers Revolution resulted in a radical shift in the political sphere: the end of British colonialism, the transformation of Egypt from a monarchy to a socialist republic, and the start of a new era. The new order promoted women’s education and access to the labor market but restricted political rights and freedoms in general, a new reality that inevitably impacted the development of an independent women’s movement. In the 1970s, women’s rights assumed center stage in international politics, a development that had an impact on women in general and Egyptian women in particular. Egyptian women entered the diplomatic corps and participated in drafting international conventions, in representing their country in international forums, and in joining international civil society campaigns for women’s rights. They also established a new generation of civil society organizations that advocated for women’s rights both locally and on the international stage. The year 2011 marks an important moment in the history of Egypt. The wave of revolutions that swept the Arab world resulted in the opening of the political sphere in an unprecedented manner. Women’s rights activists rose to the challenge, and more and more women were active participants in the movement for change. Women joined new political parties that were established in the aftermath of revolutions; they were active participants in numerous political and social initiatives and movements; and they played a prominent role in marches for political and social freedoms. In sum, women in modern Egypt have played key roles in the making of modern Egypt. The story of their contributions and achievements is the story of a movement for change toward a better future.

The politics of autonomy and cooptation in Africa: the case of the Ugandan Women's Movement

2001 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aili Mari Tripp
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Women's Leadership ◽  
The State ◽  
Women's Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Dominant Party

State responsiveness to pressures from women's movements in Africa has been limited. However, where inroads have been made, associational autonomy from the state and dominant party has proved critical. The women's movement is one of the most coordinated and active social movements in Uganda, and one of the most effective women's movements in Africa more generally. An important part of its success comes from the fact that it is relatively autonomous, unlike women's movements in earlier periods of Uganda's post-independence history. The women's movement, in spite of enormous pressures for cooptation, has taken advantage of the political space afforded by the semi-authoritarian Museveni government, which has promoted women's leadership to serve its own ends. Leaders and organisations reflect varying degrees of autonomy and cooptation. Nevertheless the women's movement has had a visible impact on policy as a result of its capacity to set its own far-reaching agenda and freely select its own leaders.

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