Morality, Emotions, and the Ideal Environmentalist: Toward A Conceptual Framework for Understanding Political Polarization

2021 ◽  
pp. 000276422110562
Author(s):  
Emily H. Kennedy ◽  
Parker Muzzerall
Keyword(s):  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
Moral Worth ◽  
Washington State ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
The Ideal

Americans are politically polarized in their views on environmental protection, and scholars have identified structural and cultural drivers of this polarity. Missing from these theories is a consideration of the emotional dynamics at play in environmentally relevant interactions between liberals and conservatives. Based on analyses of in-depth interviews conducted with 63 politically and socioeconomically diverse residents of four communities in Washington State, we find evidence of important common ground across the political spectrum. Our participants voice support and respect for environmental protection and convey a shared image of an ideal environmentalist: a conscious, caring, and committed individual who seeks to reduce their personal environmental impact. We see political differences arise when our participants evaluate their own relationship with the environment against this ideal environmentalist. Liberals are more likely to align with or admire the ideal environmentalist and conservatives are more likely to challenge or denigrate the ideal. Emotions and competing claims for moral worth, we suggest, play a role in making these political differences polarizing.

scholarly journals Between “us” and “them”: political subjectivities in the shadows of the 2018 brazilian election

2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. e160722
Author(s):  
Charles Klein ◽  
Milena Mateuzi Carmo ◽  
Alessandra Tavares
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Household Survey ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Institutional Politics ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Depth Interviews

This article examines political subjectivities, community engagements and voting practices among residents of São Paulo’s Zona Sul peripheries in the three years preceding Brazil’s 2018 presidential election. Building on a 398-person household survey, 46 in-depth interviews, and extensive participation observation over the course of a four-year study, we argue that although most residents of our study communities across the political spectrum are disenchanted with institutional politics, many maintain political engagement through their everyday lives, including activism centered on intersectional identities and state-sponsored violence/genocide. Our discussion combines statistical analysis and auto-ethnographic inflected vignettes and is in dialogue with two common themes present in recent analyses of the Brazilian political landscape: the role of urban periphery voters in the election of Bolsonaro, and the complex connections between moralities and political subjectivities. In conclusion, we reflect on opportunities and challenges for progressive political engagement in the (post)Bolsonaro era.

scholarly journals Interpreting Community Accountability: Citizen Views of Responding to Domestic Violence (or Not)

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Hess ◽  
Nicole Allen ◽  
Nathan Todd
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Violence ◽  
Survey Research ◽  
General Public ◽  
Community Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Citizen Action ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Depth Interviews

In spite of common public condemnations of domestic violence, survey research suggests that citizens aware of actual abuse often believe they cannot or should not personally respond. Through in-depth interviews with 20 local citizens across the political spectrum, we sought to explore this dynamic more carefully by better understanding community interpretations of domestic violence and its appropriate response. This paper explores ten specific views identified in these interviews as potentially relevant to citizen action (or inaction) in response to known abuse. After examining subtle consequences of each belief, we explore broader implications for community mobilization and propose several ways of facilitating a more thoughtful and extensive deliberation about domestic violence among the general public.

scholarly journals Questioning the Secular-Religious Cleavage in Palestinian Politics: Comparing Fatah and Hamas

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frode Løvlie
Keyword(s):  
Median Voter ◽  
Religious Rhetoric ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Trend ◽  
Territorial Claims ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Palestinian Population

AbstractFollowing the 2007 war between Fatah and Hamas, Palestinian politics appears to have followed the regional trend where the competition between secularism and Islamism is developing into a major political cleavage. Through comparisons of the two movements' ideologies, however, the article questions the relevance of this religious-secular cleavage to explaining Palestinian factional politics. Fatah — the traditional hegemon in Palestinian politics and previously staunchly secularist — has turned increasingly religious in response to the spread of Islamism. Hamas for its part has shed its overly religious rhetoric, absolutist territorial claims, and insistence on a violent solution to the Palestinian problem, in tandem with the deradicalization of the Palestinian population. In finding that both movements have moved toward the center of the political spectrum to maximize support, the article concludes that their rivalry is best understood as a competition for the median voter rather than as an indication of political polarization.

National Dialogue in Ukraine: You Must Spoil before You Spin

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 358-380
Author(s):  
Natalia Mirimanova
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Dialogue Process ◽  
Run Up ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Political Differences ◽  
The One

The paper evaluates the attempt to launch a National Dialogue process in Ukraine backed by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (osce) from the perspective of its teleology, design and impact in the context of the aggravating internal divisions, problematic legitimacy of the post-Maidan leadership, Russia actively backing the forces in opposition to the interim government in Kiev and subversive of the integrity of the Ukrainian state, and peaked geopolitical tensions in the broader region. in the run up to the extraordinary presidential election in Ukraine scheduled for 25 May 2014, the osce backed the launching of a National Dialogue to prevent further escalation of the destructive and increasingly violent internal conflict. The efforts aimed at the consolidation of the Ukrainian political elite from across the country, including in the rebellious East and South regions, and across the political spectrum, also involving the party of the fugitive President Yanukovych. This endeavor, by the osce Swiss Chairmanship, provides insight into the opportunities and limitations of the top-down and elite-based approach to the National Dialogue in Ukraine, particularly in comparison with the local grassroots dialogue initiatives in the divided communities as well as the center-region dialogue formats, on the one hand, and with the extra-national formats of talks involving Ukraine and Russia, on the other. Besides, lack of the strategic sequencing and embeddedness of short-term objectives of the stakeholders to either keep or challenge the political status quo and long-term accommodation of political differences by the reformed political and administrative arrangements and national reconciliation prevented the National Dialogue from gaining the momentum, was prohibitive of its continuity and did not get traction with the population irrespective of the political preferences. There were objective reasons that prevented proper design and implementation of the dialogue, such as urgency, extreme polarisation and strong pressure on the post-Maidan leadership at the time from opposing constituents that ardently rejected dialogue, a factor that could not be ignored against the backdrop of the upcoming series of elections. However the osce political imperative had prevailed over the professional approach to the design and facilitation of the National Dialogue. In particular, no clear agenda that resonated with the diverse constituencies’ actual needs and grievances was developed, no broad consultations had been held prior to the dialogue, disagreements between the stakeholders regarding the participation were not resolved, and the very design of the events, including media presence, was not conducive of the genuine deliberation and joint search for the mutually acceptable short-term and long-term trajectory of the country.

scholarly journals Psychological Barriers to Bipartisan Public Support for Climate Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 492-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leaf Van Boven ◽  
Phillip J. Ehret ◽  
David K. Sherman
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Climate Policy ◽  
Carbon Tax ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Policy Support ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Opposing Party ◽  
Democrats And Republicans ◽  
Depth Interviews

Psychological scientists have the expertise—and arguably an obligation—to help understand the political polarization that impedes enactment of climate policy. Many explanations emphasize Republican skepticism about climate change. Yet results from national panel studies in 2014 and 2016 indicate that most Republicans believe in climate change, if not as strongly as Democrats. Political polarization over climate policy does not simply reflect that Democrats and Republicans disagree about climate change but that Democrats and Republicans disagree with each other. The results of a national panel experiment and of in-depth interviews with four former members of Congress suggest that Democrats and Republicans—both ordinary citizens and policymakers—support policies from their own party and reactively devalue policies from the opposing party. These partisan evaluations occur both for policies historically associated with liberal principles and politicians (cap-and-trade) and for policies associated with conservative principles and politicians (revenue-neutral carbon tax). People also exaggerate how much other Democrats and Republicans are swayed by partisanship. This foments false norms of partisan opposition that, in turn, influence people’s personal policy support. Correcting misperceived norms of opposition and decoupling policy evaluation from identity concerns would help overcome these seemingly insurmountable barriers to bipartisan support for climate policy.

The Dark Authoritarians: Profiling the Personality, Emotional Style, and Authoritarian Attitudes of the Major American Parties

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ryan Bird ◽  
Hayden K. Hickey ◽  
Mackenzie J Leavitt ◽  
Jennifer L. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Latent Profile Analysis ◽  
Profile Analysis ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Self Awareness ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Mediation Analyses ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Emotional Style

Though American politics have long been a source of intellectual division, it’s becoming increasingly clear that political polarization is on the rise. Many are concerned that authoritarianism is increasing across the political spectrum. In the current study, we investigated the extent to which dark personality variables (i.e., psychopathy, narcissism, Machiavellianism) predict both right- and left-wing authoritarianism (RWA and LWA) between Republicans and Democrats. We developed profiles of individuals’ political and personality characteristics concomitant with endorsement of authoritarianism. Our findings (n = 527) suggest a complex interaction between dark traits and political views. Specifically, high levels of dark personality are associated with Democrats’ likelihood to endorse RWA and Republicans’ likelihood to endorse LWA. Using moderated mediation analyses, we determined that this ostensibly contradictory finding is explained by an individual’s emotional style, where high levels of dark traits predict lower levels of self-awareness, which in turn, increase RWA for liberals and LWA for conservatives. Using latent profile analysis, we uncovered underlying profiles characterizing distinct groups of individuals across party identification, LWA, RWA, and dark traits. Four latent profiles emerged: (1) a typical Democrat, low in dark traits and higher in LWA; (2) a typical Republican, low in dark traits and higher in RWA; (3) a dark Democrat, high in dark traits and high in both RWA and LWA; (4) a dark Republican, high in dark traits and high in both RWA and LWA. Together, these data suggest that authoritarianism manifests differentially across the political spectrum and is influenced by emotional style. Note: This paper has not been peer-reviewed.

THE GENESIS OF CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY, DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND PROSPECTS IN THE POLITICAL REFORM OF MODERN COUNTRIES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIA AND FRANCE)

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 38-43
Author(s):  
MARIETA EPREMYAN ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Reform ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Political ◽  
Development Trends ◽  
Conservative Ideology ◽  
The World ◽  
Christian Conservatism ◽  
The Future ◽  
Conservative Policy ◽  
Depth Interviews

The article examines the epistemological roots of conservative ideology, development trends and further prospects in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in other countries. The author focuses on the “world” and Russian conservatism. In the course of the study, the author illustrates what opportunities and limitations a conservative ideology can have in political reform not only in modern Russia, but also in the world. In conclusion, it is concluded that the prospect of a conservative trend in the world is wide enough. To avoid immigration and to control the development of technology in society, it is necessary to adhere to a conservative policy. Conservatism is a consolidating ideology. It is no coincidence that the author cites as an example the understanding of conservative ideology by the French due to the fact that Russia has its own vision of the ideology of conservatism. If we say that conservatism seeks to preserve something and respects tradition, we must bear in mind that traditions in different societies, which form some kind of moral imperatives, cannot be a single phenomenon due to different historical destinies and differing religious views. Considered from the point of view of religion, Muslim and Christian conservatism will be somewhat confrontational on some issues. The purpose of the work was to consider issues related to the role, evolution and prospects of conservative ideology in the political reform of modern countries. The author focuses on Russia and France. To achieve this goal, the method of in-depth interviews with experts on how they understand conservatism was chosen. Already today, conservatism is quite diverse. It is quite possible that in the future it will transform even more and acquire new reflections.

The critical theory of democracy in Western political thought

2020 ◽  
pp. 117
Author(s):  
Ruqaya Saeed Khalkhal
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
The Social ◽  
Science And Politics ◽  
Political Realities ◽  
The Church ◽  
Theory Of Democracy ◽  
Or Applications ◽  
The Ideal

The darkness that Europe lived in the shadow of the Church obscured the light that was radiating in other parts, and even put forward the idea of democracy by birth, especially that it emerged from the tent of Greek civilization did not mature in later centuries, especially after the clergy and ideological orientation for Protestants and Catholics at the crossroads Political life, but when the Renaissance emerged and the intellectual movement began to interact both at the level of science and politics, the Europeans in democracy found refuge to get rid of the tyranny of the church, and the fruits of the application of democracy began to appear on the surface of most Western societies, which were at the forefront to be doubtful forms of governece.        Democracy, both in theory and in practice, did not always reflect Western political realities, and even since the Greek proposition, it has not lived up to the idealism that was expected to ensure continuity. Even if there is a perception of the success of the democratic process in Western societies, but it was repulsed unable to apply in Islamic societies, because of the social contradiction added to the nature of the ruling regimes, and it is neither scientific nor realistic to convey perceptions or applications that do not conflict only with our civilized reality The political realization created by certain historical circumstances, and then disguises the different reality that produced them for the purpose of resonance in the ideal application.

Richard Sisson and Leo E. Rose. War and Secession: Pakistan, India and the Creation of Bangladesh. New Delhi: Vistaar Publications. 1990. 338 pp.Price Rs 225.00 (Hardbound).

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-99
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque
Keyword(s):  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
National Elections ◽  
The Real ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Creation

After thirteen long years of military dictatorship, national elections on the basis of adult franchise were held in Pakistan in December 1970. The Awami League, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and the Pakistan Peoples Party, under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, emerged as the two majority political parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan respectively. The political party commanding a majority in one wing of the country had almost no following in the other. This ended in a political and constitutional deadlock, since this split mandate and political exclusiveness gradually led to the parting of ways and political polarization. Power was not transferred to the majority party (that is, the Awami League) within the legally prescribed time; instead, in the wake of the political/ constitutional crisis, a civil war broke out in East Pakistan which soon led to an open war between India and Pakistan in December 1971. This ultimately resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan, and in the creation of Bangladesh as a sovereign country. The book under review is a political study of the causes and consequences of this crisis and the war, based on a reconstruction of the real facts, historical events, political processes and developments. It candidly recapitulates the respective roles of the political elites (both of India and Pakistan), their leaders and governments, and assesses their perceptions of the real situation. It is an absorbing narrative of almost thirteen months, from 7 December, 1970, when elections were held in Pakistan, to 17 December, 1971 when the war ended after the Pakistani army's surrender to the Indian army in Dhaka (on December 16, 1971). The authors, who are trained political scientists, give fresh interpretations of these historical events and processes and relate them to the broader regional and global issues, thus assessing the crisis in a broader perspective. This change of perspective enhances our understanding of the problems the authors discuss. Their focus on the problems under discussion is sharp, cogent, enlightening, and circumspect, whether or not the reader agrees with their conclusions. The grasp of the source material is masterly; their narration of fast-moving political events is superbly anchored in their scientific methodology and political philosophy.

Mereka yang Tidak Dibayar Tinggi: Ibuisme, Taman Kanak-kanak, dan Kampung di Indramayu

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 121
Author(s):  
Mochammad Arief Wicaksono
Keyword(s):  
Kindergarten Teachers ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Family ◽  
Role Of Women ◽  
Community Pressure ◽  
The Village ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
The Ideal

The ideology of state-ibuism has always been interwoven with how the New Order regime until nowadays government constructing the “ideal” role of women in the family and community through the PKK (Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Keluarga) organization. However, in Cangkring Village, Indramayu, the ideology of ibuism works not because of the massive government regulating the role of women through the PKK organization, but it is possible because of the structure of the kampung community itself. Through involved observations and in-depth interviews about a kindergarten in the village, a group of housewives who dedicated themselves to teaching in kindergarten were met without getting paid high. From these socio-cultural phenomenons, this paper will describe descriptively and analytically that housewives in the Cangkring village are willing to become kindergarten teachers because of their moral burden as part of the warga kampung and also from community pressure from people who want their children to be able to read and write.

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