scholarly journals The international mediation of power-sharing settlements

2018 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 467-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison McCulloch ◽  
Joanne McEvoy
Keyword(s):  
Power Sharing ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Documentary Analysis

Power sharing is largely accepted among scholars and policy-makers as a potentially effective mechanism for building peace in the aftermath of violent ethnic conflicts and self-determination disputes. Although the operation of power sharing may be prone to ongoing challenges and even political crises arising from the legacy of the conflict, international actors continue to promote power-sharing arrangements to manage self-determination and other ethnopolitical conflicts. This article investigates the normative and instrumental reasons why third-party mediators (on behalf of international organizations and/or states) turn to power-sharing strategies during peace negotiations. It considers the reasons why third-party mediators promote power sharing when its maintenance is likely to depend on their ongoing commitment and governance involvement. We argue that mediators draw from four different perspectives in their support of power-sharing settlements: international law, regional and internal security, democracy and minority rights, and a technical approach where mediators focus on the mechanics of power-sharing designs. The article draws on in-depth semi-structured interviews with officials from the United Nations and the European Union working for the organizations’ respective mediation units as well as documentary analysis of official mediation documents.

scholarly journals Internal Security, Management of Funds and IPPIS Challenges among Unions and Cooperative Societies in Tertiary Institutions in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Princewill I. Egwuasi ◽  
◽  
Emem E. Umoren ◽  
Husseina K. Wakili ◽  
Rebecca J. Akpabio ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Management Strategies ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Tertiary Institutions ◽  
Management Measures ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The University ◽  
Full Proof

The constant outcry of misuse and mismanagement of funds in governmental organisations have given concern to several researches, debates and blame games. Our focus in this qualitative study is to interpretively examine the extent of internal security and management measures that are explorable in curtailing the inability to recover dues and third party loans in an IPPIS challenge-prone era among unions and cooperative societies in tertiary institutions in Nigeria, the University of Uyo, Uyo being our focus point. The study is an interpretive research that employed semi-structured interviews for the chairpersons of ASUU, SSANU, NASU and NAAT and the presidents of cooperative societies run by the unions in a federal university such as ours. These chairpersons and presidents were purposively selected for the study. Three research questions were raised to guide the study: What internal security measures are put in place by the unions to ensure recovery of dues and third party loans from debtors? How do the cooperative societies manage their funds and recover dues and third party loans during the IPPIS era? What relationship exists between the unions, cooperative societies and IPPIS office for dues and third party loans recovery? The findings of the study showed that there is no full proof of internal security measures put in place to recover dues and third party loans; that committees are set up in the cooperative societies to manage their funds through several management strategies; there is no clear relationship between the Unions, cooperative societies and IPPIS Office to aid in the recovery of dues and third party loans in the university. The study recommended among others that the IPPIS should be transparent enough to abide by the laws of its establishment in order not to under mind its primary functions of deduction and remittance of dues and third party loans to beneficiaries.

scholarly journals Gaza in Crisis

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Eversman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
The United States ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Peace Negotiations ◽  
The World ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Right ◽  
The U.S

This ongoing dispute clearly concerns the United States, the long-term third party in peace negotiations, and a close ally of Israel. However, now more than ever European and Middle Eastern states are invested in the resolution of this conflict. The stability of Israel and the humanitarian status of the Palestinians depend upon the resolution of this conflict. So, what should President Barack Obama hope to accomplish in the coming months, in light of the overwhelming array of issues already on his agenda? And what should the rest of the world expect from U.S. foreign policy regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict under Mr. Obama’s administration? Political maneuvering is already underway and the recent elections in Israel have shifted the power structure of Israeli politics significantly to the right with Benjamin Netanyahu, leader of the right-wing Likud Party, elected as Prime Minister and sworn in at the end of March 2009. Furthermore, Egyptian negotiators are attempting to bridge the deep divide between Fatah and Hamas in order to strengthen the unity of Palestinian politics, but the outcome of this endeavor remains to be seen. As the global economic crisis continues to worsen, the attention of the world shifted from the Israeli- Palestinian conflict to the G-20 Summit and NATO meetings. Therefore, it is the role of world leaders, particularly the United States, to maintain focus on rebuilding Gaza and acting as intermediaries in any Israeli and Palestinian negotiations. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton must ensure the State Department keeps its finger firmly on the pulse of political and social activities in the region in order to prevent renewed fighting. The United States and Europe should have anticipated more aware of this impending crisis and in the aftermath of the conflict, neither can afford to watch from the sidelines. Dialogue and diplomacy are the way out of this mess, and it is in the interests of both Europe and the U.S. to engage both sides in this dispute if further violence is to be prevented. If Mr. Obama wants to have peace in the Middle East in our time, he will have to persuade all of the actors to sit around a table and to talk about the conflict. The Bush administration’s strategy of strengthening Fatah and isolating Hamas has not worked. Secret negotiations are just as ineffectual as the exclusion of certain actors. Only a common platform for dialogue will enable the U.S. and the European Union to fulfill their peacemaking mission.

scholarly journals Internal Security, Management of Funds and IPPIS Challenges among Unions and Cooperative Societies in Tertiary Institutions in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
pp. 63-68
Author(s):  
Princewill I. Egwuasi ◽  
◽  
Emem E. Umoren ◽  
Husseina K. Wakili ◽  
Rebecca J. Akpabio ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Management Strategies ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Tertiary Institutions ◽  
Management Measures ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The University ◽  
Full Proof

The constant outcry of misuse and mismanagement of funds in governmental organisations have given concern to several researches, debates and blame games. Our focus in this qualitative study is to interpretively examine the extent of internal security and management measures that are explorable in curtailing the inability to recover dues and third party loans in an IPPIS challenge-prone era among unions and cooperative societies in tertiary institutions in Nigeria, the University of Uyo, Uyo being our focus point. The study is an interpretive research that employed semi-structured interviews for the chairpersons of ASUU, SSANU, NASU and NAAT and the presidents of cooperative societies run by the unions in a federal university such as ours. These chairpersons and presidents were purposively selected for the study. Three research questions were raised to guide the study: What internal security measures are put in place by the unions to ensure recovery of dues and third party loans from debtors? How do the cooperative societies manage their funds and recover dues and third party loans during the IPPIS era? What relationship exists between the unions, cooperative societies and IPPIS office for dues and third party loans recovery? The findings of the study showed that there is no full proof of internal security measures put in place to recover dues and third party loans; that committees are set up in the cooperative societies to manage their funds through several management strategies; there is no clear relationship between the Unions, cooperative societies and IPPIS Office to aid in the recovery of dues and third party loans in the university. The study recommended among others that the IPPIS should be transparent enough to abide by the laws of its establishment in order not to under mind its primary functions of deduction and remittance of dues and third party loans to beneficiaries.

Control in Flexible Working Arrangements

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelia Gerdenitsch ◽  
Bettina Kubicek ◽  
Christian Korunka
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination Theory ◽  
Digital Natives ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Similar Extent ◽  
Decision Latitude ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
Exploratory Approach ◽  
Flexible Working ◽  
Temporal And Spatial

Supported by media technologies, today’s employees can increasingly decide when and where to work. The present study examines positive and negative aspects of this temporal and spatial flexibility, and the perceptions of control in these situations based on propositions of self-determination theory. Using an exploratory approach we conducted semi-structured interviews with 45 working digital natives. Participants described positive and negative situations separately for temporal and spatial flexibility, and rated the extent to which they felt autonomous and externally controlled. Situations appraised positively were best described by decision latitude, while negatively evaluated ones were best described by work–nonwork conflict. Positive situations were perceived as autonomous rather than externally controlled; negative situations were rated as autonomously and externally controlled to a similar extent.

Ever Looser Union?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Schimmelfennig ◽  
Thomas Winzen
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Core State ◽  
Member States ◽  
New Members ◽  
Treaty Negotiations ◽  
Differentiated Integration ◽  
Economic Preferences ◽  
New Policies ◽  
The Eu

Differentiated integration is a durable feature of the European Union and a major alternative for its future development and reform. This book provides a comprehensive conceptual, theoretical and empirical analysis of differentiation in European integration. It explains differentiation in EU treaties and legislation in general and offers specific accounts of differentiation in the recent enlargements of the EU, the Euro crisis, the Brexit negotiations and the integration of non-member states. Differentiated integration is a legal instrument that European governments use regularly to overcome integration deadlock in EU treaty negotiations and legislation. Instrumental differentiation adjusts integration to the heterogeneity of economic preferences and capacities, particularly in the context of enlargement. By contrast, constitutional differentiation accommodates concerns about national self-determination. Whereas instrumental differentiation mainly affects poorer (new) member states, constitutional differentiation offers wealthier and nationally oriented member states opt-outs from the integration of core state powers. The book shows that differentiated integration has facilitated the integration of new policies, new members and even non-members. It has been mainly ‘multi-speed’ and inclusive. Most differentiations end after a few years and do not discriminate against member states permanently. Yet differentiation is less suitable for reforming established policies, managing disintegration, and fostering solidarity, and the path-dependency of core state power integration may lead to permanent divides in the Union.

scholarly journals Bridging Regionalism and Secessionism: Territorial Autonomy Movements in the Iberian World

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Matthias vom Hau ◽  
Hana Srebotnjak
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Santa Cruz ◽  
World Region ◽  
Regional Comparison ◽  
Movement Theory ◽  
Political Exclusion ◽  
Autonomy Movements

Abstract In comparative works on nationalism, Latin America is usually portrayed as a world region that is devoid of nationalist and separatist movements, while in Europe nationalist movements seeking greater self-determination or separate statehood can be easily observed. This article takes a different perspective. Applying the concept of territorial autonomy movements, it pursues a cross-regional comparison of Santa Cruz in Bolivia, Guayas in Ecuador, and Catalonia in Spain to show that movements strikingly similar with regards to their core claims, diagnostic frames, and tactics do in fact exist across the Iberian world. The chapter then draws on social movement theory to account for the recent intensification of territorial autonomy mobilizations in these cases. We argue that in all three substate units (1) threats of political exclusion emanating from contestations over established power-sharing arrangements triggered territorial grievances; (2) the formation of dense associational networks and new alliances with subnational party and state representatives enhanced the organizational resources of territorial challengers; and (3) broader protest cycles, and their concern with direct democracy and/or multicultural group rights, provided territorial challengers with new framing strategies to justify their demands.

Purchasing Power and Self-Determination: Social Worker Perspectives

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Bailey ◽  
Debbie Plath ◽  
Alankaar Sharma
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Social Work ◽  
Social Workers ◽  
Work Practice ◽  
Social Work Practice ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Purchasing Power ◽  
Service Users ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Management Approaches

Abstract The international policy trend towards personalised budgets, which is designed to offer people with disabilities purchasing power to choose services that suit them, is exemplified in the Australian National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS). This article examines how the ‘purchasing power’ afforded to service users through individualised budgets impacts on social work practice and the choice and self-determination of NDIS service users. Social workers’ views were sought on the alignment between the NDIS principles of choice and control and social work principles of participation and self-determination and how their social work practice has changed in order to facilitate client access to supports through NDIS budgets and meaningful participation in decision-making. A survey was completed by forty-five social workers, and in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with five of these participants. The findings identify how social workers have responded to the shortfalls of the NDIS by the following: interpreting information for clients; assisting service users to navigate complex service provision systems; supporting clients through goal setting, decision-making and implementation of action plans; and adopting case management approaches. The incorporation of social work services into the NDIS service model is proposed in order to facilitate meaningful choice and self-determination associated with purchasing power.

scholarly journals Multilateral Naval Exercise Komodo: Enhancing Indonesia’s Multilateral Defence Diplomacy?

2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110089
Author(s):  
Frega Wenas Inkiriwang
Keyword(s):  
Structured Interviews ◽  
The Past ◽  
Documentary Analysis

Defence diplomacy has gained attention in the past decades. Hence, Indonesia has also developed its defence diplomacy for achieving its strategic interests. In Indonesia’s defence diplomacy, bilateral forms have dominated the practice of joint exercises with its defence partners. However, under the Yudhoyono administration in 2014, Indonesia hosted its first multilateral joint exercise, the Multilateral Naval Exercise Komodo (MNEK), which aimed at facilitating multilateral engagement with greater international partners. This exercise was continued by the Widodo administration as a biannual event in the following years. Since this multilateral exercise has rarely been studied, this article attempts to qualitatively examine how this exercise has developed and contributed to Indonesia’s multilateral defence diplomacy. To support the analysis, this article relies on a combination of documentary analysis and semi-structured interviews, including with numerous participants of past MNEK exercises in 2014, 2016, and 2018.

Foulweather Friends: Violence and Third Party Support in Self-Determination Conflicts

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272199322
Author(s):  
R. Joseph Huddleston
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latent Variable ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Variable Model ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
International Stability ◽  
General Preference ◽  
Party Support

This paper investigates how violence in self-determination conflicts influences bilateral foreign policy. I argue that a general preference for international stability causes third parties to support self-determination groups when violence reaches high levels, when they gain territorial control, and when major powers officially recognize. In these conditions, third parties perceive a stable new status quo to be nigh: unrecognized statehood. Ongoing instability encourages foreign policy that encourages the development of the de facto state, even when third parties have no intention of recognizing them as states. Importantly, I also show that targeting civilians erodes third-party support of the perpetrating side. I demonstrate these relationships using a latent variable model of international sovereignty of aspiring states, built on bilateral military, diplomatic, and economic exchange data. My model and tests provide new insight into how aspiring state actors become increasingly eligible for recognition through the tacit support of third-party states.

Successful collaboration between smart city consortium and Hong Kong Government in Covid-19 dashboard: the case of leadership in practice

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Jung Yue Chun ◽  
Wahid Abdul Nabsiah ◽  
Cheng Ling Tan
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Smart City ◽  
Third Party ◽  
City Development ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Mass Collaboration ◽  
The Government

Purpose This paper aims to discover why such a public partnership project had been successful with a non-profit third-party alliance such as a smart city consortium (SCC) promoting smart city development. Design/methodology/approach This descriptive case study is primarily based on analysing data collected from various texts, public statements, media interviews and three semi-structured interviews with key members involved in the Covid-19 dashboard project. Findings The data and analysis reviews that both interpersonal and interorganisational trust, dedication and proactiveness of the leaders at SCC were major contributing factors to why SCC was able to partner with the Hong Kong Government in the Covid-19 dashboard in the first place and that the success was also a direct outcome of effective mass collaborative knowledge management activities. Research limitations/implications The research in leadership attributes and activities in the non-profit alliance has been few and this collaborative partnership between the alliance and the government is an example of the importance of further research in smart city leadership. Practical implications In deploying projects for mass collaboration and knowledge sharing in smart city development (which is multi-disciplinary in nature). there are still many new and evolving organisational practices and leadership matters that many business leaders and city managers can learn from. Social implications Smart city development projects involve the notion of sharing data in an open environment enabled by software and mediating tools. Successful projects such as this Hong Kong Covid-19 dashboard which serves a diverse audience can further promote the importance of an open data policy regime for the benefit of the public. Originality/value This case study covers a highly original and unique case study with the leaders at the SCC and representatives from the Hong Kong Government.

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