Globalisation of Anti-dumping and Its Impact

2003 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 54-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.P. Bhat

A steep reduction in tariff duties, dismantling of substantial non-tariff barriers and removing of grey area measures left very little options for the WTO member countries to protect their non-competitive industries. One of the easy ways opened to them has been the initiation of antidumping measures. The WTO rules allow them to opt for anti-dumping measures with some specific stipulations. These are not too strict or stringent to comply with. Besides, anti-dumping has a unique combination ofp olitical and economic manipulability. During the eight years of the WTO regime, the use of anti-dumping measure has become rampant and it is indeed threatening to limit the market access achieved under the GATTIWTO trade negotiations over the last fifty years or so. In the recent years, a large number of developing countries have become the frequent users of anti-dumping (AD) and they account for half of the overall world total. Many of the heaviest AD users are countries who did not even have an AD statute a decade ago. The traditional users continue to make use of AD with more vigour by targeting the new users. The developing countries are targeting each other. The sectoral coverage of AD is over 85 per cent at the end of 2002. As many as 96 countries are the victims and 38 countries are making use of AD actions. The paper attempts to highlight developments in the use of AD actions world over under the WTO regime. It illustrates the position of four important players, namely USA, the EU, India and China as users and the victims of AD actions. It shows the special position of each of these actors occupy in the AD spectrum. Finally, ii concludes on the basis of observations that there is a need to contain and drastically modify the AD agreements to combat the menace. Some suggestions are offered to do so.

2000 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Hindley ◽  
Heinz Hauser ◽  
Ulrich Hiemenz

AbstractThis economic policy forum addresses the subject “New Challenges for the WTO: Do we need a Millennium Round?”. Brian Hindley has serious doubts whether the Millennium-Round should be revived. While the EU suggests that an agreement on competition policy should be essential for new multilateral trade negotiations, the Departement of Justice which administers competition policy in the US is less enthusiastic about the idea. The same applies to rules on investment. The author discusses both aspects of the EU’s extended agenda proposals and comes to the conclusion, that what is left is a rag bag. A bag that contains some useful issues, some dubious ones, some downright bad ones, but without enough content to fuel a credible multilateral trade negotiation. His conclusion is, that perhaps the case for multilateral agreements on competition policy and investment can be strengthened and if the Commission can do that, it should. The case for a Millennium Round based on the extended agenda is weak.In the opinion of Heinz Hauser, a new Millennium Round has a high potential to fail. The author discusses his hypothesis in three steps. First, he draws attention to the question, which conclusions can be seen from Seattle. Second, he analyses the political environment for a hypothetically new round. He wants to substantiate that the expected results of a new round would be more harmful than beneficial for a liberal world trade arrangement. In a third step Hauser makes clear that the compliance with the committments form the Uruguay Round is still unsatisfactory.The paper by Ulrich Hiemenz argues that a better integration of developing countries into the multilateral trading system is a key challenge at the beginning of the new millennium. He emphasises that a new round of multilateral trade negotiations launched under the auspices of the WTO would provide a window of opportunity for all participating countries to improve their living standards through better market access, greater domestic efficiency and higher productivity. Developing countries could even benefit more from further trade liberalisation than industrialised countries, provided they implement the domestic policy reforms necessary to capture these benefits.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Ruth Kelly

In the light of the disparity of bargaining leverage in FTA negotiations between the EU or the U.S. and developing countries, this article presents a legal mechanism to maintain the status quo, that is, the acquis of current trade arrangements. On the basis of the test established in the EC-Tariff Preferences case, it is argued that the Enabling Clause allows for differentiation between developing countries on the basis of their levels of intra-regional trade. A scheme is then constructed which allows the EU and the U.S. to differentiate in favor of current beneficiaries of non-reciprocal trade preference schemes in this way. This allows the EU and the U.S. to maintain the acquis without making radical changes to their trade and development policy. Where the status quo is an option, developing countries involved in FTA negotiations would have a feasible best alternative to a negotiated agreement (BATNA) to replace the current alternative of a significant reduction of market access to the EU or the U.S. While the maintenance of the status quo is up to the industrialized country in question, given that the trade preferences are unilateral in nature, the scheme constructed debunks the myth that there is a legal requirement to replace the current arrangements by reciprocal trade agreements in the absence of a waiver.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 197-209
Author(s):  
Falguni Pankaj Desai

The paper aims at providing empirical evidence of increasing sophistication in services exported by the developing countries.The last two decades have witnessed  a phenomenal rise not only in the share of services traded by both developed and developing countries , but also, a structural shift in favour of trade in modern services as against dominance of  traditional services. Spanning over a period of 10 years i.e. from 2000 to 2010 we examine and compare the changing composition and sophistication in services exported by 38 countries comprising: Brazil, Russian Federation, India and China (BRICs), European Union (EU)-15 countries, 12-EU New Member States (EU-NMS), 5-EU Accession countries (EU- ACC), USA and Japan. We use the methodology developed by Hausmann et al (2007) which measures the level of sophistication associated with country’s export basket of goods. But in this paper we have applied this methodology to study sophistication in the export of services instead of goods.  We find that there is a big divide in the values of the sophistication index between EU-15 and EU-ACC, the latter exhibiting considerable lower values of the index.  But the gap in the value of the sophistication index between EU-15 and India, Russia, and some of the EU-NMS has narrowed. 


Author(s):  
Johannes Graf von Luckner

As long as the UK’s membership in the EU lasted, it had a special position within the Union. This could be seen particularly well in a peculiar practice that has largely gone unnoticed in the public, namely a series of opt-in decisions that the UK took prior to Brexit but after the Brexit referendum. This contribution raises the question of whether the UK used the pre-Brexit period as a type of ‘last call’, trying to get everything it could of its membership before it ended. To do so, it studies five opt-in decisions, examining their subject matter, the effects of the opt-ins and the outcome of the Brexit negotiations in order to understand the UK’s reasons for integrating further into the EU before withdrawing from it. Uncovering various political and practical motivations, it comes to the conclusion that the initial impression of a ‘last call behaviour’ is not justified.


Author(s):  
Bernard Hoekman

The gradual reduction of traditional barriers to trade such as tariffs and quotas implies that the agenda for international cooperation on trade has changed. The focus of international firms increasingly is on the trade and transaction costs effects of differences in national regulatory standards and regulatory regimes. Such differences are also a matter of concern to consumers, who worry about the health consequences and safety of products produced as part of global supply chains. This chapter discusses the challenge of managing the interface between the market access objectives of trade agreements—that is, the reduction of trade frictions—while not undercutting national regulatory objectives and preferences. It develops a typology of approaches that can be used to reduce the negative trade spillovers created by regulatory differences across countries and discusses how trade agreements can help do so, drawing on the experience of efforts by the EU and other OECD nations to negotiate deeper integration agreements.


Author(s):  
Panagiotis Delimatsis

Secrecy and informality rather than transparency traditionally reign trade negotiations at the bilateral, regional, and multilateral levels. Yet, transparency ranks among the most basic desiderata in the grammar of global governance and has been regarded as positively related to legitimacy. In the EU’s case, transparent trade diplomacy is quintessential for constitutional—but also for broader political—reasons. First, even if trade matters fall within the EU’s exclusive competence, the EU executive is bound by the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) to inform the European Parliament, the EU co-legislator, in regular intervals. Second, transparency at an early stage is important to address public reluctance, suspicion, or even opposition regarding a particular trade deal. This chapter chronicles the quest for and turning moments relating to transparency during the EU trade negotiations with Canada (CETA); the US (TTIP), and various WTO members on services (TiSA).


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (Suppl. 1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Denis Horgan ◽  
Walter Ricciardi

In the world of modern health, despite the fact that we've been blessed with amazing advances of late - the advent of personalised medicine is just one example - “change” for most citizens seems slow. There are clear discrepancies in availability of the best care for all, the divisions in access from country to country, wealthy to poor, are large. There are even discrepancies between regions of the larger countries, where access often varies alarmingly. Too many Member States (with their competence for healthcare) appear to be clinging stubbornly to the concept of “one-size-fits-all” in healthcare and often stifle advances possible through personalised medicine. Meanwhile, the legislative arena encompassing health has grown big and unwieldy in many respects. And bigger is not always better. The health advances spoken of above, an increased knowledge on the part of patients, the emergence of Big Data and more, are quickly changing the face of healthcare in Europe. But healthcare thinking across the EU isn't changing fast enough. The new technologies will certainly speak for themselves, but only if allowed to do so. Acknowledging that, this article highlights a positive reform agenda, while explaining that new avenues need to be explored.


2003 ◽  
Vol 14 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 215-232
Author(s):  
William Kininmonth

The impacts of weather and climate extremes (floods, storms, drought, etc) have historically set back development and will continue to do so into the future, especially in developing countries. It is essential to understand how future climate change will be manifest as weather and climate extremes in order to implement policies of sustainable development. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that natural processes have caused the climate to change and it is unlikely that human influences will dominate the natural processes. Any suggestion that implementation of the Kyoto Protocol will avoid future infrastructure damage, environmental degradation and loss of life from weather and climate extremes is a grand delusion.


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