Political Parties’ Campaign Financing in Ghana’s Fourth Republic: A Contribution to the Discourse

2016 ◽  
Vol 52 (8) ◽  
pp. 1124-1140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Arthur
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Financing System ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Resources

The period from 1992 saw Ghana, under pressure from both internal and external sources, embark on the transition to democratic rule. Despite the strides, an issue that has the potential to undermine Ghana’s liberal democratic credentials has centred on the process of political party financing. The purpose of this paper is to analyse how the existing political party financing system in Ghana is negatively impacting on electoral competition and the country’s democratic process. Drawing on secondary sources, this paper shows that, given that it is political resources that drive party vibrancy and competitiveness, a level playing field in terms of public financing of political parties can help in electoral competition and the promotion of the democratic process in Ghana. However, the importance of transparency and accountability, as well as a legal framework that monitors, denounces, sanctions and punishes abuse in the use of public funds, would be crucial if success is to be attained.

scholarly journals FAKSIONALISASI DAN KONFLIK INTERNAL PARTAI PERSATUAN PEMBANGUNAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 321
Author(s):  
Rizkyansyah Rizkyansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Library Research

This paper aims to examine and understand the form of factionalisation and Internal Conflict of Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) in people's perception of its existence as a political party. The method uses a qualitative approach with data and information obtained through interviews and library research methods. The data and arguments built in this paper use qualitative studies, namely by gathering various scientific references and from primary and secondary sources through searching for writings related to books, journals, papers, newspapers, magazines and direct interview results with informants related to problem in this study. The results showed that the internal PPP conflict was caused by differences in the views of political elite in determining the coalition carrying the presidential candidates. This happened in the PPP in 2014 when there were differences in the nominations between Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy. The conflict then led to the dualism of the leadership of the Suryadharma Ali and Romahurmuziy camps. Another factor driving conflict is the different backgrounds of cadres in the political parties. Therefore, conflict management absolutely needs a political party. 

Electoral Majorities, Political Parties, and Collective Representation

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (9) ◽  
pp. 1104-1131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael D. McDonald ◽  
Ian Budge ◽  
Robin E. Best
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Median Voter ◽  
Choice Theory ◽  
Condorcet Winner ◽  
Social Choice Theory ◽  
Policy Position ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Collective Representation ◽  
Comparative Inquiry

In practice, democracies privilege plurality parties. Theories of the democratic process challenge the democratic credentials of this practice. Abstract social choice theory wonders whether an electoral majority even exists. A more optimistic line of argument, prominent in research on collective representation, assumes that the policy position of the median voter embodies the majority electoral preference. The conflict between what democracies actually do and what two leading theories of the democratic process say calls for a comparative inquiry into electoral majoritarianism. For each of a dozen countries, the authors ask whether any political party commands a predominant majoritarian position among voters—that is, is a Condorcet winner—and, if so, which party it is. They find that a Condorcet winning party exists in all 12 countries and that the plurality party can lay more claim to representing the popular majority than the left—right median party. These findings have important implications for the study of democratic representation, which the authors consider in their conclusions.

Party-Political Financing, Democracy, and Constitutionalism in Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
pp. 293-328
Author(s):  
Zelalem Degifie
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Public Funding ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Private Interests ◽  
Political Finance ◽  
Private Donations ◽  
Party Funding ◽  
Ruling Party

Political party funding stands central to the process of democratization, because it affects whether the political playing field is level allowing for electoral competition. However, it can also threaten democracy if party funding regimes allow parties to be captured by private interests or a ruling party abuses its position as the incumbent government to gain access to resources. Adequately regulation is thus required. This chapter examines the interplay of party financing regulation, democracy, and constitutionalism in Ethiopia. Based on the normative framework of political finance in the democratic process, the study finds that badly designed and weakly enforced rules are the main challenges for political finance regulation in Ethiopia to provide a level playing field. The legislative framework and its implementation favours the ruling party, thereby causing a wide discrepancy in financial capacity between the ruling party and opposition parties. Furthermore, political parties are not transparent in their financial matters, as the law requires because the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is reluctant to enforce the rules requiring such. Finally, the chapter recommends political finance reforms in order to level the political playing field and ensure transparency with regard to the funding of political parties. In this regard, diversified sources of income that combine regulated private donations with regular public funding should be introduced. Finally, the chapter suggests restrictions on the size of financial contributions and also imposing spending ceilings. A reformed legal framework would require, however, that the NEBE enforce it in a rigorously and non-discriminatory manner.

scholarly journals Populist Anti-immigrant Sentiments Taken Seriously: A Realistic Approach

Res Publica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Santi Amantini
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Electoral Competition ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Realistic Approach ◽  
Feasibility Constraint

AbstractThis essay argues that the illiberal anti-immigrant sentiments which lie behind the success of populist right-wing parties deserve the attention of political theorists working on the ethics of migration, even though such sentiments exceed the boundaries of admissible disagreement on justice in migration. Firstly, populist anti-immigrant sentiments hinder the implementation of liberal democratic immigration policies and thus they represent a feasibility constraint for any liberal ethics of migration, not only the most cosmopolitan ones. Secondly, there are legitimacy reasons why such views should be neither merely dismissed nor simply contained, since they are voiced by populist political parties which are admitted in the electoral competition and even participate in governments. The main upshot of this discussion is a methodological one: the article argues that, since political theory should deal with the feasibility and legitimacy issues raised by populist anti-immigrant sentiments, a realistic approach is needed. The last section shows that such a methodological change offers the opportunity to extend the scope of normative theorising. In particular, it illustrates how a realistic approach encourages theorists to focus on local-level policies, as well as to devote attention to non-governmental actors and to their role in tackling citizens’ hostility towards immigrants.

Election Poster Persuasion

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Evaluation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Need For Cognition ◽  
Evaluation Study ◽  
Additional Measure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
Voting Intentions

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

Our universities away from partisan Altsarat

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
أ.د.عبد الجبار احمد عبد الله
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Office ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Public ◽  
The University

In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity.

Towards the Final Legitimation of the Party

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Sole Source ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Formation ◽  
Post War ◽  
Dominant Influence

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.

Searching for Political Parties in the Past

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Ancient Greece ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Common

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.

Varieties of Intra-Party Democracy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
Rare Exception ◽  
Empirical Analyses

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.

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