The Impact of the Workplace Relations Act on Regional Patterns of Industrial Relations: The Illawarra Region of Australia, 1996— 2004

2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (5) ◽  
pp. 752-778 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Markey ◽  
Ann Hodgkinson

Work Choices fundamentally restructured the Australian industrial relations system in 2005, by marginalizing the role of awards and the Australian Industrial Relations Commission, privileging individual contracts and restricting industrial action by trade unions. The Workplace Relations Act 1996 (WRA) represented a significant first step in this direction prior to the Liberal National coalition gaining control of the Senate in 2005. However, there has been no extensive workplace data of the kind produced by the Australian Workplace Relations Survey to take stock of the impact of the WRA. This study undertakes a stocktake of the impact of the WRA for the Illawarra region. It compares data for trade unions, employer associations, forms of employee participation, workplace reductions, industrial disputes and payment systems from the Illawarra Regional Workplace Industrial Relations Survey 1996 with a further survey in 2004. It concludes that while the WRA did impact on the region, the Illawarra nevertheless maintained a distinctive pattern of industrial relations in which the New South Wales State system was more influential. If this provides any indication of the wider impact of the WRA, it offers strong reasons as to why the government proceeded with Work Choices.

1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Thornthwaite

While conciliation and arbitration tribunals have been at the forefront of Austral ian research on industrial relations institutions, numerous specialist tribunals enforcing individual workers' rights in employment have been virtually hidden from view. This paper examines the role of two such tribunals in New South Wales, the Government and Related Employees' Appeal Tribunal and the Equal Opportu nity Tribunal. It argues that although their most direct and public role is to resolve individuals' grievances, equally significant is the contribution of these agencies to the detailed regulation of employment relations and hence the increasing sophisti cation of labour management in public sector organizations since the late 1970s, and the institutionalization of management prerogatives and conflicts over an increasingly wide range of employment decisions.


1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Wright ◽  
Nixon Apple

Increasingly, economic debate in Australia and other Western, developed economies is directed to the interdependence and potential conflict between the out come of labour market negotiations and government economic policy. Industrial relations becomes identified as a cause of economic problems and governments have been attracted to policies that seek to alter the outcome of labour market negotia tions, using what are often termed "incomes policies". However, because of the nature of industrial relations, incomes policies which might be established to express government demands also have an influence over the balance of powers and relations within the economy. This dynamic process presents problems for practitioners and academics assessing the full effect of incomes policies. The corporatist model developed by Leo Pantich is one useful model of the changes that can occur in trade union, employer and government relations under incomes policy conditions. Draw ing on the flexibility of such a process model, this article details the development of incomes policies in Britain and Sweden, examining the changing relationships and powers that have occurred when the parties (and especially the trade unions) have responded to the demands such policies make on industrial relations. The differences in trade union reactions to industrial relations adjustment provide lessons and experiences for any economy where the government seeks to direct labour market negotiations. In terms of the impact on trade unions particularly and industrial relations in general, the British and Swedish lessons offer valuable insights for Australia. Examining the dynamic incomes policy effects in Australia, we conclude that only if industrial relations practitioners and trade unionists are aware of the dynamic pressures of intervention and respond in a structured manner can they avoid the traps identified by British experience and benefit from the opportunities offered by Swedish initiatives.


1988 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 413-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank H. Longstreth

This article examines the impact on British trade unions of the break in relations with the government, the economic recession and labour market developments in the 1980s. The shift towards a programme of ‘labour exclusion’ is related to specific policies designed to weaken trade unions and liberalize labour markets. A close investigation of data on union organization and activity indicates that, despite evident reversals, a full-scale de-institutionalization of industrial relations is not occurring. However, the links between government policies and longer-term socioeconomic trends pose severe challenges for union revival. The article concludes with some considerations on the future prospects of union-government relations.


2011 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xuebing Cao

This research marks a new attempt to examine the development of new industrial relations actors in contemporary China. It appears that the CMDA has the potential to convert members’ common pursuit into action, albeit with different strengths and patterns compared with its Western counterparts. However, the process of mobilizing doctors is likely to be challenged by China’s unitary industrial relations system. For Chinese doctors, the question is how to convert constant work-related discontent and conflict into an institutional response, and how much freedom the CMDA can be given. Follow-up observation is needed to assess the impact of the CMDA’s continuous expansion in the industrial relations system in China’s health services. Findings suggest that currently the CMDA is neither an independent union organization, nor a new industrial relations actor within Chinese health services due to its structural weakness and political limitations. Unlike its Western counterparts, the CMDA does not have high levels of social and economic power to control licenses and access to the medical profession. However, the prospect remains that the CMDA may be more active within the industrial relations system if doctors’ social capital and group identity can be further strengthened. This paper examines possibilities and difficulties for the Chinese Medical Doctor Association (CMDA) to become a new industrial relations actor in China’s health services. It attempts to provide evidence on whether the CMDA functions in similar ways as its Western counterparts in mobilizing members. Aiming at filling the research gap in Chinese professional organizations’ involvement in the industrial relations process, this paper discusses the CMDA’s potential and the challenges of becoming a union organization. Data were collected through 39 semi-structured interviews with supplementation of documentary evidence from the government, doctors’ professional societies, hospitals and trade unions.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Hall

Industrial Relations proved to be one of the dominant issues in the 2007 federal election campaign with the Government at first defending, and then moderating, their Work Choices legislation. The Labor Opposition benefited greatly from the successful Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) campaign against Work Choices and established a significant electoral advantage on the issue. Labor introduced its own IR policy alternative under the banner `Forward with Fairness' and then spent a good deal of 2007 trying to sell its policy to business. The final policy adopted by Labor, and set to become law over the next few years, represents something of a calculated political compromise. When the detail of the policy is considered the influence of the Work Choices laws is still very much apparent.


1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael O'Donnell

Decentralizing industrial relations within New South Wales is a central recom mendation of the Niland Green Paper (1989). Decentralism also represents the cornerstone of the New South Wales government's industrial relations reform agenda enshrined in the New South Wales Industrial Relations Act 1991. To date there has been little analysis of the impact o f this legislative change on industrial relations in the New South Wales public sector. This paper provides a case study that examines the degree to which responsibility for bargaining has been devolved within the Parks and Gardens of the New South Wales Ministry for the Environ ment. It argues that, in contrast to the rhetoric of the New South Wales Act, the central agency presiding over the introduction of enterprise bargaining in the public sector, the Public Employment and Industrial Relations Authority; has been reluctant to delegate responsibility to parties in the workplace.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Schömann ◽  
André Sobzack ◽  
Eckhard Voss ◽  
Peter Wilke

This article describes the results of a major study on the impact of codes of conduct and international framework agreements (IFAs) on social regulation at company level. The limits of labour legislation at the national, as well as the international, level provide a strong motivation for both multinationals and trade unions to negotiate and sign IFAs. IFAs offer a way to regulate the social consequences of globalisation and to secure adherence to labour and social standards. They thus form part of the growing political debate on the international working and production standards of private actors. Examination of the negotiation process, the motivations of the parties, and the content of the agreements and implementation measures provides valuable insights into the impact of IFAs on multinationals' behaviour in respect of social dialogue and core labour standards. Finally, the article highlights the influence of such agreements on public policy-making and the limits of private self-regulation at European and international level, addressing the growing and controversial debate on the need for supranational structures to regulate labour standards and industrial relations.


1997 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seoghun Woo

This paper argues that the future direction for the development of Korean industrial relations will evolve through direct interaction between employers and trade unions (either conflictual or cooperative). The government is likely to play a less interventionist role in industrial relations, compared with the past, and to adopt the role of mediator between unions and employers. Characteristics of Korean industrial relations during the pre- 1987 period is firstly examined; four major factors are used to explain the industrial relations practice during this time. Changes after 1987 are also considered. Special consideration is given to interaction between the environment and the three major industrial relations participants, and the interactions between them. Both macro and micro aspects of industrial relations are examined. The special Presidential Address (26/04/1996), known as New Conception of Industrial Relations, is also analysed in terms of its implications for future industrial relations issues in Korea.


Author(s):  
Anthony R. Henderson ◽  
Sarah Palmer

This essay addresses the impact of industrialisation on the experience of work during the early 1800s. It presents the idea that industrial relations focused less on trade unions and more on broad labour/management contact and gave a new emphasis to the significance of the labour process. Also featured is a map of The Port of London in the 1830s, which is used as an example for evidence of change within the pre-industrial pattern of management/labour relations.


Author(s):  
Narinder Kumar Bhasin ◽  
Anupama Rajesh

The objective of massive adaptation of digital payments by the banks with the support of the central bank of any country along with their government agencies is to improve customer services and satisfaction in the online payment systems in place of cashless and paperless payment systems. There are very few researches that have focused to measure the higher customer satisfaction based on factors like trust, risk-free, secure, transparent, accountability of banks, fintech, regulator, and payment system operators. This chapter analyzes the impact of digital banking and fintech in the Indian banking system, initiatives taken by RBI, NPCI, and the government to build the strong trust of customers in online payment systems to ensure improvement in customer services with higher customer satisfaction.


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