The two faces of power-sharing

2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332110372
Author(s):  
Andreas Juon ◽  
Daniel Bochsler

Lijphart’s claim that power-sharing spurs democratization in divided societies has strongly influenced ‘institutional engineering’ and is widely accepted among scholars despite the fact that empirical tests of its merits remain rare. This article revisits the democratic effect of power-sharing, arguing that it has two antagonist faces. On the positive side, it provides guarantees of inclusion to political elites, allowing them to commit to democratic rules. On the negative side, it also has an illiberal face, entailing limits on competition and individual rights. In this article, these contrary characteristics are traced back to two institutional types of power-sharing: a more flexible and open, liberal, type and a more rigid, corporate one. Using a novel dataset on power-sharing rules for 138 multi-ethnic countries and the period from 1945 to 2016, their respective democratic merits are tested. Conforming to theoretical expectations, the findings indicate that only liberal forms of power-sharing exhibit strong positive effects on democracy while corporate forms exert mixed or even negative ones. These findings are robust to a series of alternate model specifications and operationalizations as well as to instrumental variable approaches. In conclusion, the article indicates only a partial democratic effect of power-sharing, limited to its liberal subtype.

Author(s):  
Andrew P. Hendry

This chapter looks at empirical methods for quantifying gene flow and inferring its role in adaptive divergence. An important point made therein is that gene flow can sometimes aid adaptation, such as when it enhances the genetic variation on which selection acts. The key questions addressed with empirical data are divided into the potential negative versus positive effects. On the negative side, questions include to what extent gene flow constrains adaptive divergence among environments, and how the resulting maladaptation might cause population declines and limit species' ranges. On the positive side, questions include whether gene flow has a special benefit in the case of antagonistic coevolution, and whether it can save (rescue) populations that would otherwise go extinct.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (SPL1) ◽  
pp. 187-191
Author(s):  
Anjankar Ashish P ◽  
Anjankar Vaibhav P ◽  
Anjankar Anil J ◽  
Kanyal Lata

COVID 19 is undeniably one of the deadliest diseases that humanity has ever seen. It continues to affect the lives and livelihood of people appallingly across the world. Maximum discussions focus towards the apprehension of catching the infection, dwelling in homes, overpopulated nursing homes and shut down of all kinds. But, here let’s discuss the positive side of COVID 19 pandemic.As COVID 19 has spread its influence all over the world, affected countries have either announced lockdown or have implemented severe restrictions in their respective countries. Because of this, everyone dwells in their homes. Thus, exercising social distancing and functioning from home. All of the above is directed at restricting the transmission of coronavirus and expectantly ostracising the fatality from COVID 19. These transformations have also brought about some unanticipated emanations; some good things have come out of the pandemic as well. Positive effects of COVID 19 are seen on reduced road traffic, and road traffic accidents lowered levels of air pollution which has to lead to lowered heart attack rates and rejuvenating environment. Crime rates have fallen, and expenses are reduced in most places. Community action, communication amongst families, behaviour, sanitation, hygiene, online and distance education has positively impacted by COVID 19 pandemic. COVID 19 despite a bane for humans, can be thought of a boon for living beings. The habitats and elements have been purified with the stringent use of petrochemical products. To breathe fresh air and to consume purified water is a boon by itself. Now, it is time for humans to lead a caring life to every bounty bestowed on them by Nature. This thoughtful and considerate life will give hope for a healthy, stress-free life.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-32
Author(s):  
Petros Petrikkos

This paper looks at how divided societies like Lebanon and Iraq currently incorporate very fragile models of governance. The recommendations in this study attempt to introduce a hybrid model that considers integration and consociationalism as effective tools to electoral management in both countries, in light of the recent elections taking place in May 2018, and the continuities presented to this day. In assessing the effectiveness of consociationalism as a power-sharing framework, this paper does not attempt to depart from the already-established model of governance. Rather, the analysis presents elements that would hopefully improve power-sharing and governance in the two divided societies of Lebanon and Iraq. Elements as such may bring forth a steadier process that aids democratic transition in divided societies. Sectarianism is heavily embedded in both the Lebanese and Iraqi communities. Ignoring the conflicting issues that rise with each successive election only promotes a fragile environment that deeply divides, instead of uniting societies.


Pained ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 29-30
Author(s):  
Michael D. Stein ◽  
Sandro Galea

This chapter addresses how racism presents a clear threat to the health of populations. In 2018, President Donald Trump made racist comments toward countries with predominantly nonwhite populations. Why did the president’s racism matter for the health of the public? To answer this question, one needs to understand where health comes from. Health is the product of the social, economic, and cultural context in which people live. This context is also shaped by social norms that do much to determine people’s behaviors and their consequences. Changing these norms can produce both positive and negative health effects. On the positive side, changing norms can promote health, by making unacceptable unhealthy conditions and behaviors that were once common, even celebrated. On the negative side, changing norms for the worse can empower elements of hate in society. When a president promotes hate, it shifts norms, suggesting that hate does in fact have a place in the country and the world. This opens the door to more hate crimes, more exclusion of minority groups from salutary resources, and little to no effort to address racial health gaps.


Materials ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 742
Author(s):  
Ki-won An ◽  
Kyu-hwan Oh ◽  
Bo Jiang ◽  
Xingyang He ◽  
Sang-keun Oh

An evaluation method for assessing the difference in the relative humidity (RH) control performance of waterproofing material is proposed. For a demonstration of this evaluation method, two waterproofing materials (urethane coating and cementitious waterproofing material) installed with different methods (positive and negative side of concrete structure respectively) are exposed to temperature conditions representing three seasonal conditions: Summer (40 °C), spring/autumn (20 °C) and winter (4 °C). Condensation level changes on the inner side of the waterproofing material installed specimen is measured, and for derive criteria for comparison, three parameters based on the average RH, intercept RH (derived from a linear regression analysis of RH measurement), and maximum relative humidity are derived for each different waterproofing material installed specimen. Based on quality specification for underground concrete structures, the demonstration evaluation establishes provisional standard criteria of below 70% RH, and all three parameters are evaluated to determine whether the tested waterproofing material/method complies to the performance requirement. Additional analysis through linear regression and cumulative probability density graphs are derived to evaluate the RH consistency and range parameters. The evaluation regime demonstrates a quantitative RH analysis method and apparatus, and a newly designed evaluation criteria is used to compare the RH control performance of positive-side installed urethane waterproofing materials and negative-side installed cementitious waterproofing material.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cera Murtagh

Civic political parties in divided societies occupy an ambiguous place in the power-sharing literature. Scholarship tends to focus on ethnic parties and assumes civic actors to be marginal. The empirical reality tells a different story: civic parties have contributed to peace, stability and democracy in some of the world’s most deeply divided places by playing a mediating role, acting as a moderating force and representing otherwise marginalised groups. Drawing from interviews with representatives from civic parties, ethnic parties and civil society in Northern Ireland and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and broader institutional analysis, I argue that civic parties’ survival can be explained by the fact that they meet therein not only with barriers but also critical openings. They adapt to this opportunity structure, with different party types developing under different forms of power-sharing. In illustrating the relationship between governance models and civic parties, this article underlines the importance of post-settlement institutional design.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088832542094111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ondřej Žíla ◽  
Petr Čermák

In ethnically divided societies and political systems organized according to the principles of consociationalism, demography plays a crucial role as a powerful tool for promoting ethno-political interests. The aim of this article is to evaluate to what extent the first post-war 2013 census in Bosnia and Herzegovina became a hostage to the principle of ethno-politics. This study is grounded in Horowitz’s analysis of censuses in deeply divided societies, which assumes that ethnic identity in fragmented societies provides an explanation of who people vote for, and the reverse. We use the data on ethnic voting in 2014 as an indirect estimate of the ethnic structure of the population to verify the 2013 census findings. To do so, we determine the extent to which people enumerated as residents in the 2013 census actually live at the places they were counted, as required by the census law. Although we found that the indirect estimate of ethnic demography based on ethnic voting is largely in line with the census results, we also identified specific structural discrepancies between census results and voting patterns that indicate possible flaws in the census data in general. The method we used revealed significant territorial discrepancies, bringing into question the validity of the census data about the presence of Bosniak and Croat returnees in the Republika Srpska, and especially for Croats across Bosnia and Herzegovina. We argue that these discrepancies may have significant political consequences for the fragile Bosnian power-sharing system based on ethnic quotas and proportionality.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-644
Author(s):  
Alex Schwartz

An influential theory, sometimes called the ‘fragmentation hypothesis’, proposes that divided political systems will tend to empower courts because they make it more difficult for political elites to coordinate court-curbing retaliation. Another influential perspective proposes that federal systems are conducive to judicial empowerment because they create a demand for the authoritative adjudication of jurisdictional boundaries and/or they facilitate judicial supremacy over constitutional meaning. If both of these theories are correct, we might expect consociational (ie, power sharing) federations to be especially hospitable to the emergence of powerful courts. With reference to the example of Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article questions this conclusion; it is theorized here that core features of consociational federation will tend to undermine the growth and maintenance of judicial power.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 194-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Alber ◽  
Marc Röggla ◽  
Vera Ohnewein

The article compares deliberative practices within the two constituent units of the Italian Autonomous Region of Trentino-South Tyrol: the Autonomous Province of Bolzano/Bozen (South Tyrol) and the Autonomous Province of Trento (Trentino). South Tyrol’s ‘Autonomy Convention’ and Trentino’s ‘Consulta’ are consultative processes that are differently structured but have the same aim: the elaboration of proposals as to the revision of the region’s basic law, the Autonomy Statute of 1972. The article highlights differences in structures and procedures of both deliberative practices and it gives evidence on the implications such differences have in the respective sociopolitical contexts. Unlike Trentino, South Tyrol is characterized by a power-sharing system between its major language groups, German- and Italian speakers; some special rules also apply to the third language group, the Ladins. The argument developed is that, in South Tyrol, the successful settlement of conflict by means of consociational arrangements favoured the institutionalization of deliberative practices. However, the same arrangements pose challenges to deliberative practices. The article contributes to the emerging literature on pitfalls and potential of deliberative practices implemented in multilingual and divided societies.


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