scholarly journals Education, Family Background, and Political Knowledge: A Test of the Compensation Hypothesis with Identical Twins

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 350-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darrel Robinson

Prior research has consistently identified education as an important correlate of political knowledge, which, many argue, reflects an underlying causal relationship. However, recent work has questioned this interpretation rather arguing that family background causes one to both obtain an education and to develop political knowledge. I argue that this causal-versus-proxy debate is too simplistic. Specifically, using a sample of identical twins, I test the interaction between education, political discussion in the home, and political knowledge. I find that education is positively associated with political knowledge independent of family background and genetics for those who discussed politics with family relatively little during upbringing. However, for those who discussed politics with family members more frequently, education has no association with political knowledge independent of pre-adult factors. Therefore, education compensates for a lack of exposure to political content in the home.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yung-I Liu

<p><a>This study investigates the informing effects of communication in political campaigns from a geospatial perspective. The results from analyzing survey data collected during the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections in the U.S. generally suggest that the main forms of traditional </a>communication, i.e., print newspapers and network and cable television news—but with the exception of local TV news—play a significant role in informing citizens about political campaigns. Political discussion also plays a role in this regard. The implications of the respective roles of a number of news forms in a democracy are discussed.</p>


Author(s):  
Joachim Seng

Abstract : In his autobiographical accounts, Johann Wolfgang Goethe emphasizes the vital role that his father’s collections of books and art had for his own Bildung. In fact, the library of Johann Caspar Goethe (1710–1782) played a vital role in Goethe’s education and early studies while also attesting to his family background and status. However, soon after Johann Caspar’s death, his library was dissolved – and whereas Johann Wolfgang Goethe and other family members integrated some of the books into their own collections, the majority of objects were sold and dispersed. Today, a handwritten catalog commissioned by Goethe’s mother, Catharina Elisabeth Goethe, just before the sale (in 1793/1794), is a critical tool for reconstructing the collection. This article describes the history of Johann Caspar Goethe’s library, its dispersal as well as the efforts to reconstruct the collection. As the retrieval of the original copies from Johann Caspar’s library and the re-establishment of the original collection were impossible, the Freies Deutsches Hochstift has managed to collect equivalent titles and editions in order to restore a library that allows visitors to the Goethe-Haus in Frankfurt to learn about Goethe’s family background, the cultural setting of his upbringing, and early influences on his education.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630512110478
Author(s):  
Dam Hee Kim ◽  
Brian E. Weeks ◽  
Daniel S. Lane ◽  
Lauren B. Hahn ◽  
Nojin Kwak

Social media, as sources of political news and sites of political discussion, may be novel environments for political learning. Many early reports, however, failed to find that social media use promotes gains in political knowledge. Prior research has not yet fully explored the possibility based on the communication mediation model that exposure to political information on social media facilitates political expression, which may subsequently encourage political learning. We find support for this mediation model in the context of Facebook by analyzing a two-wave survey prior to the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In particular, sharing and commenting, not liking or opinion posting, may facilitate political knowledge gains.


2001 ◽  
Vol 114 (5) ◽  
pp. 839-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Kartmann ◽  
D. Roth

In recent years a convergence of various aspects of cell biology has become apparent, and yet investigators are only beginning to grasp the underlying unifying mechanisms. Among the proteins that participate in diverse aspects of cell biology are the septins. These are a group of novel GTPase proteins that are broadly distributed in many eukaryotes except plants. Although septins were originally identified as a protein family involved in cytokinesis in yeast, recent advances in the field have now ascribed additional functions to these proteins. In particular, the number of known mammalian septin family members has increased dramatically as more data has become available through genome analyses. We suggest a classification for the mammalian septins based on the sequence homologies in their highly divergent N- and C-termini. Recent work suggests novel functions for septins in vesicle trafficking, oncogenesis and compartmentalization of the plasma membrane. Given the ability of the septins to bind GTP and phosphatidylinositol 4,5-bisphosphate in a mutually exclusive manner, these proteins might be crucial elements for the spatial and/or temporal control of diverse cellular functions. As the functions of the septins become unraveled, our understanding of seemingly different cellular processes may move a step further.


2020 ◽  
pp. 96-116
Author(s):  
Taylor N. Carlson ◽  
Marisa Abrajano ◽  
Lisa García Bedolla

Chapter 5 examines the relationship among network characteristics, political knowledge, and policy attitudes by ethnorace, nativity, and gender. While we are unable to distinguish between selection and social influence, we uncover some interesting patterns. Network size is positively associated with political knowledge for both men and women, but we observe variation by ethnorace and nativity. Network size is not associated with political knowledge among Latinos, and discussion frequency is not associated with political knowledge among Blacks, Latinos, or Whites. Discussion frequency is positively associated with political knowledge among both the U.S. and foreign born, but network size is only associated with political knowledge among the U.S. born. For policy attitudes, we explored two issues that are important for marginalized ethnoracial group members: environmental policy and social justice policy. We find substantial variation in the relationship between network characteristics and policy preferences among the ethnoracial groups in the sample.


ABSTRACT:Familial cerebral aneurysms are currently the subject of burgeoning interest. We review the pertinent, recent reports on this topic in the light of our study of 17 families with familial cerebral aneurysms. The prevalence of familial cerebral aneurysms ranges from 5-28%. The sex distribution displays a female bias. Mothers are more often affected than fathers and daughters more than sons. There is no site predilection for familial cerebral aneurysms but they tend to occur at the same (or mirror) site within families. The age at rupture of familial cerebral aneurysms is younger, especially in females, than for sporadic aneurysms. They tend to rupture within the same decade in families, and within five years of each other in identical twins. The size of ruptured familial cerebral aneurysms appears to be smaller, especially in women, than sporadic aneurysms. The pattern of inheritance is unknown. A poor outcome of rupture is more frequent in familial cerebral aneurysms cases than in sporadic ones. Angiographic screening of family members at risk, especially first degree relatives, appears justified.


2009 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-85
Author(s):  
Dóra Barabásné Kárpáti

In the past 10-15 years, the consumption of illegal drugs has increased significantly both in Hungary and in our county. In parallel with the society's getting more and more open, the fulfilment of personal freedom, and the spreading of globalisation and individual culture, the use of drugs has become more and more accessible and acceptable to the young. This study briefly overviews the family background and problems of provincial young people consuming drugs. I have studied 3 problems within this topic: family structure, relations with parents, and family members' drug consumption behaviour. I suppose that family problems are connected with the interviewees' alcohol and other drug consumption. In my research I apply the Euroadad questionnaire. The sample covers 144 interviewees, 76.9% of whom have been "diverted" from jurisdiction. The other respondents have volunteered for the therapy.I have processed the data with the SPSS statistical program package. Having studied the respondents' family structure, I have found no significant difference regarding the co-habitation data for the past 30 days or the past year. The family members' alcohol and drug consumption bears a greater relation to the use of legal drugs than of prohibited ones. The family problems related to parents are connected to the young people's prohibited and legal drug consumption, and fathers play a particularly stressed role. The groups of party drug and amphetamine consumers struggle with more family problems than the groups of marijuana users.


The Forum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yphtach Lelkes

Abstract American partisans are far more hostile towards out-party members than they were 40 years ago. While this phenomenon, often called affective polarization, is well-documented, political scientists disagree on its cause. One group of scholars believes that affective polarization is driven by processes related to social identity theory. In particular, cross-cutting identities have declined in America, and toxic political communication continuously primes partisan identities and resentment. Recently, several scholars have pointed to another phenomenon as the root cause of affective polarization: partisan sorting, i.e. the alignment of partisan identities with ideologically consistent issue positions. I review evidence in favor of each claim, and provide additional evidence that affective polarization has increased about as much among those who are not sorted as among those who are sorted. Furthermore, while sorting is only related to affective polarization among the most politically knowledgeable, affective polarization has increased across all levels of political knowledge. Finally, affective polarization may also increase sorting, further complicating any clear cut causal relationship.


2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-140
Author(s):  
Alexandre Blanchet

AbstractRecent research using the Big Five model of personality traits has highlighted the importance of personality traits to explaining diverse political behaviours and attitudes. The trait labelled openness to experience has also been found to positively affect political knowledge. This investigation seeks to distinguish two different components of openness: the aesthetic and the intellectual facets. An analysis of the 2015 Canadian Election Study (CES), the 2012 American National Election Study (ANES) and the 2013 ANES Recontact Study was conducted to explore this question. Openness had no significant impact on political knowledge when a measure that more precisely targets intellectualism, as represented by need for cognition, was included. However, open individuals did exhibit higher levels of interest in politics. Finally, openness to experience and need for cognition fostered political knowledge with frequency of political discussion and exposure to disagreement in the CES respondents (Canadians) but not in the ANES respondents (Americans).


2021 ◽  
pp. 205704732110632
Author(s):  
Jiyoun Suk ◽  
David Coppini ◽  
Carlos Muñiz ◽  
Hernando Rojas

The contemporary communication ecology contributes to affective polarization by presenting us with extreme exemplars of disliked groups. News exposure that is associated with political discussion networks is related to greater political knowledge, yet unlike previous eras where political knowledge and tolerance went hand in hand, this is no longer the case. We employ a comparative design to examine this idea among two democracies with differing levels of journalistic professionalism and political system: Mexico and the United States. Results show that greater political knowledge is associated with affective polarization, especially for the United States. Furthermore, there was a significant indirect path between media use and affective polarization, mediated through homogeneous political talk and political knowledge, but not in Mexico.


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