scholarly journals Characterising Citizenship: Race, Criminalisation and the Extension of Internal Borders

Sociology ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 652-670 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nisha Kapoor ◽  
Kasia Narkowicz

Citizenship in the UK has in recent times been explicitly framed as a privilege not a right, granted selectively and withdrawn from some. There are several criteria that assist the government in distinguishing those deserving of British citizenship from those undeserving, one of the key ones being ‘character’. The ‘bad character’ criterion can apply for multiple reasons from inconsistencies in immigration paperwork to direct or indirect political associations with a range of disavowed political groups. Although not new, ‘bad character’ has become a principle reason for citizenship refusals in recent years, though has received little academic scrutiny. By bringing together quantitative and qualitative data on citizenship refusals, the article maps the scale of this measure, outlining what it means and to whom it applies. It argues that the ‘bad character’ criterion operates as a racialised exclusionary mechanism that constitutes a new set of amorphous restrictions upon the lives of non-white denizens.

Author(s):  
Eva A. Duda-Mikulin

Chapter two includes an overview of EU migration to the UK and migrants’ characteristics with the message that migration to the UK is not new. People have been migrating since forever; recently however, the issue of migration has been elevated to a key national concern in the UK and beyond. It is now one of the most contentious and divisive matters in contemporary Britain and globally. Meanwhile, the government continually fails to deliver on its promise to reduce net migration to the tens of thousands, but should it? This chapter presents and discusses most up-to-date existing statistical data in relation to EU migration to the UK and migrant characteristics. These are contrasted with new qualitative data from women migrants from Poland to the UK. This chapter provides an explanation of the current complexities related to EU nationals’ legal status in the UK. Finally, a series of interview extracts are presented to illustrate the abovementioned points.


Urban Studies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 210-225 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Hoolachan ◽  
Kim McKee

In contrast to the post-war period, the late 20th and early 21st centuries in the UK have been characterised by the advancement of neoliberal policies including privatisation of the housing system and employment casualisation. Consequently, there are growing socioeconomic inequalities between those born in the post-war period – the ‘Baby Boomers’ – and the younger generation – the ‘Millennials’. Such inequalities have led to narratives of inter-generational conflict with Baby Boomers framed as jeopardising the futures of Millennials. Drawing on Mannheim’s theory of social generations, the concept of generational habitus and qualitative data from 49 Baby Boomers and 62 Millennials, we unpack the ways in which inter-generational inequalities are intersubjectively understood and discussed. Our data indicate that while young people are aware of inter-generational inequalities, they do not feel resentful towards their parents’ generation for profiting at their expense. Instead, many blame the government for not representing their interests. Thus, narratives of inter-generational conflict misleadingly direct blame towards the agency of Baby Boomers rather than political structures.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł Fiktus

At the end of World War I, in many European countries women won the active and passive right to vote. Poland was one of the first countries, where women were allowed to participate in political life. Already at the time of establishing the Legislative Sejm (1919) the first women-MPs took their seats in Parliament. Similarly, the situation presented itself in the case of the Senate. During its first session (1922) women participated in the works of the upper chamber. The purpose of this paper is to present the participation of women in the legislative work of the Senate in various terms of office. The participation of women in the legislative work of Parliament was characterized by their involvement in issues concerning education or social services, while avoiding participation in the legislative work or that dealing with political matters. The situation presented itself differently as regards women’s involvement in the work of the Senate. A good example here was the activity of Dorota Kałuszyńska, who – during the work on the so called April Constitution of 1935 – not only participated in it very actively, but also ruthlessly attacked the then ruling camp. Another very interesting episode related to activities of women in the Senate was an informal covenant during the work on the bill to limit the sale, administration and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Belonging to different political groups: the said D. Kłuszyńska as a representative of the Polish Socialist Party, Helena Kisielewska from the Bloc of National Minorities and Hanna Hubicka of BBWR [the Nonpartisan Bloc for Cooperation with the Government] unanimously criticized the regulations in force, which – in their opinion – did not fulfill their role when it came to anti-alcohol protection. The participation of women as far as their number was concerned was indeed small, but the Senate (like Parliament) of the Second Republic functioned in the period when women had just begun their activity on the legislative forum. Undoubtedly, it was a very interesting period, in which women had the benefit in the form of gaining their parliamentary experience. For example, it gave rise to subsequent activities of Dorota Kłuszyńska, who actively participated in the legislative works of the Sejm in the years 1947–1952, dealing with social issues or family.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Febri Ramdani

ABSTRAKMUHAMAD FEBRI RAMDANI. Implementasi Kebijakan Agraria dan Ketimpangan Penguasaan Lahan (Kasus Lahan Eks HGU di Desa Cipeuteuy, Kecamatan Kabandungan, Kabupaten Sukabumi, Provinsi Jawa Barat). Dibimbing oleh MARTUA SIHALOHO.Redistribusi lahan yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah sebuah upaya implementasi kebijakan agraria. Kebijakan agraria tersebut berupa asset reform (penataan aset) eks lahan perkebunan dengan skema legalisasi aset berwujud sertifikasi bidang lahan. Namun dalam pelaksanannya pemerintah mengklaim bahwa kebijakan tersebut merupakan agenda reforma agraria. Atas dasar klaim tersebut, penting untuk meninjau access reform (penataan akses) bekerja, karena pada hakikatnya reforma agraria merupakan asset reform (penataan aset) dan access reform (penataan akses) yang berjalan beriringan, dengan bertujuan untuk menata ketimpangan penguasaan lahan agar terwujudnya keadilan agraria (agrarian justice). Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan metode kuantitatif yang didukung kualitatif dengan pendekatan sensus. Metode yang digunakan untuk menentukan responden ialah purposive sampling dengan teknik non probability sampling. Pengolahan data menggunakan uji statistik rank spearman untuk melihat hubungan variabel. Hasil penelitian yang diperoleh menunjukan bahwa tingkat asset reform berada pada kategori rendah. Hasil uji statistik menunjukan bahwa asset reform berhubungan dengan access reform dan asset reform berhubungan dengan ketimpangan penguasaan lahan.Kata kunci: access reform, asset reform, keadilan agraria, reforma agrariaABSTRACTMUHAMAD FEBRI RAMDANI. Implementation of Agrarian Policy and Land Tenure Inequality (Case of Ex-HGU Land in Cipeuteuy Village, Kabandungan District, Sukabumi Regency, West Java Province). Supervised by MARTUA SIHALOHO.Land redistribution has been done by government as an effort of agrarian policy implementation. The policy came in form of asset reform of ex-plantation land with asset legalization scheme (land-part certification). But the government claimed that this policy is one of the agrarian reform agenda. It is important to observe how this access reform works, because agrarian and access reform can’t be separated one another, with purpose to reduce the inequality of land tenure so that the agrarian justice can be reach. This research used quantitative method supported by qualitative data, using the census approachment. Purposive sampling with non probabilty sampling used to specify the respondent. The data processed by rank spearman statistic test to analyze the relation between variable. This research shows a low level of asset reform. The statistic test shows that the low asset reform have a strong relation to low access reform, and high inequality of land tenure.Key words: access reform, agrarian justice, agrarian reform, asset reform


2021 ◽  
pp. 002085232098340
Author(s):  
Paul Joyce

The UK government’s leaders initially believed that it was among the best-prepared governments for a pandemic. By June 2020, the outcome of the collision between the government’s initial confidence, on the one hand, and the aggressiveness and virulence of COVID-19, on the other, was evident. The UK had one of the worst COVID-19 mortality rates in the world. This article explores the UK government’s response to COVID-19 from a public administration and governance perspective. Using factual information and statistical data, it considers the government’s preparedness and strategic decisions, the delivery of the government response, and public confidence in the government. Points for practitioners Possible lessons for testing through application include: Use the precautionary principle to set planning assumptions in government strategies to create the possibility of government agility during a pandemic. Use central government’s leadership role to facilitate and enable local initiative and operational responses, as well as to take advantage of local resources and assets. Choose smart government responses that address tensions between the goal of saving lives and other government goals, and beware choices that are unsatisfactory compromises.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095792652110131
Author(s):  
Michael Billig

This paper examines how the British government has used statistics about COVID-19 for political ends. A distinction is made between precise and round numbers. Historically, using round numbers to estimate the spread of disease gave way in the 19th century to the sort precise, but not necessarily accurate, statistics that are now being used to record COVID-19. However, round numbers have continued to exert rhetorical, ‘semi-magical’ power by simultaneously conveying both quantity and quality. This is demonstrated in examples from the British government’s claims about COVID-19. The paper illustrates how senior members of the UK government use ‘good’ round numbers to frame their COVID-19 goals and to announce apparent achievements. These round numbers can provide political incentives to manipulate the production of precise number; again examples from the UK government are given.


Livestock ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 176-179
Author(s):  
Chris Lloyd

The Responsible Use of Medicines in Agriculture Alliance (RUMA) was established to promote the highest standards of food safety, animal health and animal welfare in the British livestock industry. It has a current focus to deliver on the Government objective of identifying sector-specific targets for the reduction, refinement or replacement of antibiotics in animal agriculture. The creation and roll out of sector specific targets in 2017 through the RUMA Targets Task Force, has helped focus activity across the UK livestock sectors to achieve a 50% reduction in antibiotic use since 2014. This has been realised principally through voluntary multi-sector collaboration, cross sector initiatives, codes of practice, industry body support and farm assurance schemes. This article provides an overview of RUMA's work to date providing insight into the methods used to create the targets, why they are so important, the impact they are having and how ongoing support and robust data are vital components in achieving the latest set of targets.


2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Kenny ◽  
J. Barnfield ◽  
L. Daly ◽  
A. Dunn ◽  
D. Passey ◽  
...  

AbstractWith the UK population ageing, deciding upon a satisfactory and sustainable system for the funding of people’s long-term care (LTC) needs has long been a topic of political debate. Phase 1 of the Care Act 2014 (“the Act”) brought in some of the reforms recommended by the Dilnot Commission in 2011. However, the Government announced during 2015 that Phase 2 of “the Act” such as the introduction of a £72,000 cap on Local Authority care costs and a change in the means testing thresholds1 would be deferred until 2020. In addition to this delay, the “freedom and choice” agenda for pensions has come into force. It is therefore timely that the potential market responses to help people pay for their care within the new pensions environment should be considered. In this paper, we analyse whether the proposed reforms meet the policy intention of protecting people from catastrophic care costs, whilst facilitating individual understanding of their potential care funding requirements. In particular, we review a number of financial products and ascertain the extent to which such products might help individuals to fund the LTC costs for which they would be responsible for meeting. We also produce case studies to demonstrate the complexities of the care funding system. Finally, we review the potential impact on incentives for individuals to save for care costs under the proposed new means testing thresholds and compare these with the current thresholds. We conclude that:∙Although it is still too early to understand exactly how individuals will respond to the pensions freedom and choice agenda, there are a number of financial products that might complement the new flexibilities and help people make provision for care costs.∙The new care funding system is complex making it difficult for people to understand their potential care costs.∙The current means testing system causes a disincentive to save. The new means testing thresholds provide a greater level of reward for savers than the existing thresholds and therefore may increase the level of saving for care; however, the new thresholds could still act as a barrier since disincentives still exist.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 943-955 ◽  
Author(s):  
IAN LEIGH

AbstractThis article argues that there is a need to modernise the law governing accountability of the UK security and intelligence agencies following changes in their work in the last decade. Since 9/11 the agencies have come increasingly into the spotlight, especially because of the adoption of controversial counter-terrorism policies by the government (in particular forms of executive detention) and by its international partners, notably the US. The article discusses the options for reform in three specific areas: the use in legal proceedings of evidence obtained by interception of communications; with regard to the increased importance and scle of collaboration with overseas agencies; and to safeguard the political independence of the agencies in the light of their substantially higher public profile. In each it is argued that protection of human rights and the need for public accountability requires a new balance to be struck with the imperatives of national security.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashley Gould ◽  
Lesley Lewis ◽  
Lowri Evans ◽  
Leanne Greening ◽  
Holly Howe-Davies ◽  
...  

Within the context of reopening society in the summer of 2021, as the UK moved away from ’lockdown,’ the Government of Wales piloted the return on organised ‘mass gatherings’ of people at a number of test events. Behavioral observations were made at two of the test events to support this process. The research was particularly interested in four key factors: How (1) context within a venue, (2) environmental design, (3) staffing and social norms, and (4) time across an event, affected personal protective behaviors of social distancing, face covering use, and hand hygiene. Data collection was undertaken by trained observers across the above factors. Findings suggest that adherence of attendees was generally high, but with clear indications that levels were shaped in a systematic way by the environment, situational cues, and the passage of time during the events. Some instances of large-scale non-adherence to personal protective behaviors were documented. Overall, there were three main situations where behavioral adherence broke down, under conditions where: (1) staff were not present; (2) there was a lack of environmental signalling (including physical interventions or communications); and (3) later into the events when circumstances were less constrained and individuals appeared less cognitively vigilant. Behavioral observations at events can add precision and identify critical risk situations where/when extra effort is required. The findings suggest a liberal paternal approach whereby state authorities, health authorities and other key organisations can help nudge individuals towards COVID-safe behaviors. Finally, an individual’s intentions are not always matched by their actions, and so behavioral insights can help identify situations and contexts where people are most likely to require additional support to ensure COVID-19 personal protective behaviors are followed and hence protecting themselves and others.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document