I: COVID-19 pandemic and the politics of risk: Perspectives on science, state and society in India

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-267
Author(s):  
V. Sujatha

Health behaviour of the people is said to be shaped by market forces, scientific or religious institutions or the state. It is pertinent to examine the dominant institutions that shape health cultures in any society, at any given point in time. While public health has not been a priority for the Indian state, the COVID-19 pandemic created an unmistakable opportunity for state regulation. It is the argument of this article that the state has been central to the framing of the COVID-19 pandemic and the identification of relevant interventions, such that the borderline between the political and medical is blurred. The influence of these institutional decisions on the health behaviour of the people indicates that compliant health behaviour is a symbolic resource for the state in societies like India, irrespective of whether the government actually delivers on its health care delivery.

Author(s):  
M. N. B. C. Neolaka ◽  
Rikhardus S. Klau ◽  
Metriani Epifania Nahak

The presence of a school in the village is a sign of the concrete presence of the State to fulfill the basic rights of the community in the field of education. Remembering that schools always assume interaction with other elements of society such as parents, students, religious institutions and village governments, their presence also demands responsibility and involvement of all parties at the grassroots in synergic cooperation. Only through quality cooperation involving all parties, an educational institution can become the backbone of a society's progress. Quality cooperation can be evaluated by looking at how the community responds to the concrete problems they face in the field. One of the fundamental problems commonly found in remote areas of Indonesia is the low access to basic education services. By recognizing and identifying problems that occur in their own environment, people are encouraged to recognize violations of their basic rights. In turn, the people themselves are encouraged to collect their rights to the Government and at the same time are aware of being actively involved in development.


Author(s):  
Upinder Sawhney

Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) are an absolute necessity in India as all levels of the government in the country (i.e., federal, state, and local) are facing budgetary deficits. PPPs in various spheres of economic activity can bridge the gap between the capacity of the state to grow and the factors which are pulling it behind. In a successful PPP model, all the stakeholders (i.e., the government, the people, and the private partners) pose a disciplinary mechanism to each other. The present chapter seeks to study the policy for PPPs in the Indian state of Punjab as also the institutional framework for the same. It also seeks to examine the feasibility of using PPP model for the much-needed development of the agriculture sector in the state. The fiscal situation of the state and its indebtedness along with the populist policies of the government do not leave any room for either the maintenance or the creation of any new infrastructure in the state. Both rural and urban infrastructure in Punjab can be strengthened through the PPP route. The chapter focuses on the problems of Punjab economy and the role of PPPs in fixing the same.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-184
Author(s):  
Asep Hidayat

This research is motivated by the fact that in the State and society, it is still far from expectations; of course, this should be accountable by the government to the people who have voted for it because they have contributed their voices and in other aspects, the community has handed over their power and authority to the government. The problem in this research is that the government's accountability to the community is still low. The purpose of this study is to identify and describe the duties and functions of accountable government administration. This study uses a normative juridical qualitative approach based on legislation. Data collection techniques used are documentation/library studies. The results showed that the function of government administration was not optimal, so it had an impact on the level of public trust in the government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 313-328
Author(s):  
Fathul Aminudin Aziz

Fines are sanctions or punishments that are applied in the form of the obligation to pay a sum of money imposed on the denial of a number of agreements previously agreed upon. There is debate over the status of fines in Islamic law. Some argue that fines may not be used, and some argue that they may be used. In the context of fines for delays in payment of taxes, in fiqh law it can be analogous to ta'zir bi al-tamlīk (punishment for ownership). This can be justified if the tax obligations have met the requirements. Whereas according to Islamic teachings, fines can be categorized as acts in order to obey government orders as taught in the hadith, and in order to contribute to the realization of mutual benefit in the life of the state. As for the amount of the fine, the government cannot arbitrarily determine fines that are too large to burden the people. Penalties are applied as a message of reprimand and as a means to cover the lack of the state budget.


Author(s):  
Akil Ibrahim Al-Zuhari

The article defines the features of the process of forming the research tradition of studying the institute of parliamentarism as a mechanism for the formation of democracy. It is established that parliamentarism acts as one of the varieties of the regime of functioning of the state, to which the independence of the representative body from the people is inherent, its actual primacy in the state mechanism, the division of functions between the legislative and executive branches of government, the responsibility and accountability of the government to the parliament. It is justified that, in addition to the regime that fully meets the stated requirements of classical parliamentarism, there are regimes that can be characterized as limited parliamentary regimes. The conclusions point out that parliamentarism does not necessarily lead to a democracy regime. At the first stage of development of statehood, it functions for a long time in the absence of many attributes of democracy, but at the present stage, without parliamentarism, democracy will be substantially limited. Modern researchers of parliamentarism recognize that this institution is undergoing changes with the development of the processes of democracy and democratization. This is what produces different approaches to its definition. However, most scientists under classical parliamentarianism understand such a system, which is based on the balance of power. This approach seeks to justify limiting the rights of parliament and strengthening executive power. Keywords: Parliamentarism, research strategy, theory of parliamentarism, types of parliamentarism


Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann

Chapter 1 analyzes Schmitt’s assessment of democratic movements in Weimar and the gravity of their effects on the state and constitution. It emphasizes that the focus of Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar was mass democracy rather than liberalism. Schmitt warned that the combination of mass democracy, the interpenetration of state and society, and the emergence of total movements opposed to liberal democracy, namely the Nazis and the Communists, were destabilizing the Weimar state and constitution. Weimar, Schmitt argued, had been designed according to nineteenth century principles of legitimacy and understandings of the people. Under the pressure of mass democracy, the state was buckling and cannibalizing itself and its constitution. Despite this, Schmitt argued, Weimar jurists’ theoretical commitments left them largely unable to recognize the scope of what was occurring. Schmitt’s criticism of Weimar democracy was intended to raise awareness of how parliamentary democracy could be turned against the state and constitution.


1989 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-381
Author(s):  
Arthur R. Liebscher

To the dismay of today's social progressives, the Argentine Catholic church addresses the moral situation of its people but also shies away from specific political positions or other hint of secular involvement. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the church set out to secure its place in national leadership by strengthening religious institutions and withdrawing clergy from politics. The church struggled to overcome a heritage of organizational weakness in order to promote evangelization, that is, to extend its spiritual influence within Argentina. The bishop of the central city of Córdoba, Franciscan Friar Zenón Bustos y Ferreyra (1905-1925), reinforced pastoral care, catechesis, and education. After 1912, as politics became more heated, Bustos insisted that priests abstain from partisan activities and dedicate themselves to ministry. The church casts itself in the role of national guardian, not of the government, but of the faith and morals of the people.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


2017 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 265-283
Author(s):  
Subhendu Ranjan Raj

Development process in Odisha (before 2011 Orissa) may have led to progress but has also resulted in large-scale dispossession of land, homesteads, forests and also denial of livelihood and human rights. In Odisha as the requirements of development increase, the arena of contestation between the state/corporate entities and the people has correspondingly multiplied because the paradigm of contemporary model of growth is not sustainable and leads to irreparable ecological/environmental costs. It has engendered many people’s movements. Struggles in rural Odisha have increasingly focused on proactively stopping of projects, mining, forcible land, forest and water acquisition fallouts from government/corporate sector. Contemporaneously, such people’s movements are happening in Kashipur, Kalinga Nagar, Jagatsinghpur, Lanjigarh, etc. They have not gained much success in achieving their objectives. However, the people’s movement of Baliapal in Odisha is acknowledged as a success. It stopped the central and state governments from bulldozing resistance to set up a National Missile Testing Range in an agriculturally rich area in the mid-1980s by displacing some lakhs of people of their land, homesteads, agricultural production, forests and entitlements. A sustained struggle for 12 years against the state by using Gandhian methods of peaceful civil disobedience movement ultimately won and the government was forced to abandon its project. As uneven growth strategies sharpen, the threats to people’s human rights, natural resources, ecology and subsistence are deepening. Peaceful and non-violent protest movements like Baliapal may be emulated in the years ahead.


Author(s):  
Rajendra Baikady ◽  
Cheng Shengli ◽  
Gao Jianguo

This article reports on the result of an exploratory qualitative study with in-depth interviews conducted with postgraduate students in Chinese universities. The data were collected from five schools of social work, covering three provincial-level administrative regions of Beijing, Shanghai and Shandong. The principal aim of this article is to understand the development of social work and student perspectives on the government’s role in social work development and the function of social work in China. The study shows that Chinese social work is still developing, and the expansion and function of social work education and practice is mandated by the state. Despite a robust authoritarian hold by the government, the study finds hope among the graduate students about the mission and future of social work in China.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document