The Hidden Face of Violence in Latin America: Assessing the Criminalization of Protest in Comparative Perspective

2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 183-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Doran

The criminalization of social movements and protest remains underanalyzed as a problem intrinsic to democracy. Comparison of two seemingly different Latin American countries with regard to the degree of violence, Chile and Mexico, suggests that, far from being caused by the dysfunction of the legal system or other institutional factors, criminalization is a specific form of retrenching on well-established civil and political rights, rendering them synonymous with criminal behavior that must be sanctioned legally, and tolerates abusive behavior by state agents toward human rights defenders, who are viewed as enemies. As such, it is key to an understanding of the current violence in Latin America. Fieldwork and interviews of human rights defenders in the two countries suggest that criminalization of collective action is a systemic state response to the intense multifaceted mobilization in favor of democracy and new generations of rights that Latin America has been experiencing “from below” during the past decade. La criminalización de los movimientos y protestas sociales sigue siendo un problema intrínseco a la democracia pero es poco analizado como tal. Una comparación del grado de violencia en dos países latinoamericanos, Chile y México, sugiere que, lejos de ser el producto del sistema legal u otros factores institucionales, la criminalización es una forma específica de reducir derechos civiles y políticos bien establecidos y convertirlos en sinónimo de comportamiento criminal que debe ser sancionado legalmente. Dicho proceso tolera el comportamiento abusivo por parte de agentes del estado hacia defensores de los derechos humanos, quienes aparecen como enemigos. Esto es crucial para entender la actual violencia en América Latina. La criminalización de la acción colectiva es una respuesta estatal sistémica a una intensa y multifacética movilización de grupos de base a favor de la democracia y nuevos derechos en esta última década.

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-254
Author(s):  
Cristóvão Teixeira Rodrigues Silva ◽  
Antonio Basilio Novaes Thomaz de Menezes

O presente trabalho busca compreender quais os fundamentos da Educação em Direitos Humanos (EDH) na América Latina, identificando as possíveis rupturas e continuidades com o projeto social delineado na Modernidade. O artigo parte da ideia que a sociabilidade moderna formou as bases das práticas educativas contemporâneas latino-americanas, que têm como elementos a emancipação humana através da produção racional e universal do conhecimento, economia capitalista e Estado centralizado. No percurso investigativo realizado, entende-se que por não serem monolíticos, o conjunto de ideias, valores e crenças que formam a Modernidade apresentam tensões e conflitos internos, os quais não impediram o surgimento de um pensamento homogêneo e a colonização de múltiplos interesses sociais locais pela satisfação dos interesses econômicos globais. Em seguida, abordam-se os efeitos da adoção desse projeto na América Latina, marcado pela dominação direta dos colonizadores europeus, extermínio dos povos originários e sucessivos governos autoritários, emergindo práticas educativas que impedem o diálogo com o conhecimento local e a formação de cidadãos participativos. Por meio de uma abordagem qualitativa e revisão de literatura, é possível identificar que a EDH na América Latina se fundamenta na reflexão social crítica, que tem raízes nos preceitos da educação popular e movimentos sociais pró-democráticos, que buscam a ampliação da participação política popular. É possível concluir que o diálogo e a democracia são a um só tempo pré-condição e fim da prática da educação comprometida com a emancipação humana e a participação inclusiva. O desafio à manutenção de um programa permanente de EDH é a neutralização ou esvaziamento por interesses econômicos, antidemocráticos e de negação dos saberes locais.   La educación en derechos humanos en América Latina: bases para una práctica educativa democrática El presente trabajo busca comprender los fundamentos de la Educación en Derechos Humanos (EDH) en América Latina, identificando las posibles rupturas y continuidades con el proyecto social perfilado en la Modernidad. El artículo parte de la idea de que la sociabilidad moderna fue la base de las prácticas educativas latinoamericanas contemporáneas, cuyos elementos son la emancipación humana a través de la producción racional y universal del conocimiento, la economía capitalista y el estado centralizado. En el camino investigativo tomado, se entiende que por no ser monolíticos, el conjunto de ideas, valores y creencias que conforman la Modernidad presenta tensiones y conflictos internos, que no impidieron el surgimiento de un pensamiento homogéneo y la colonización de múltiples intereses sociales y culturales. para la satisfacción de los intereses económicos globales. Luego, se abordan los efectos de la adopción de este proyecto en América Latina, marcado por la dominación directa de los colonizadores europeos, el exterminio de los pueblos originarios y sucesivos gobiernos autoritarios, prácticas educativas emergentes que impiden el diálogo con los saberes locales y la formación de ciudadanos participativos. A través de un enfoque cualitativo y revisión de la literatura, es posible identificar que EDH en América Latina parte de una reflexión social crítica, que tiene sus raíces en los preceptos de la educación popular, defensora del diálogo con los saberes locales y movimientos sociales prodemocráticos. , que buscan ampliar la participación popular. Es posible concluir que el diálogo y la democracia son a la vez condición previa y fin de la práctica de una educación comprometida con la emancipación humana y la participación inclusiva, y es un desafío mantener un programa permanente que no se neutralice ni se vacíe. Palabras clave: Educación en derechos humanos. América Latina. Fundamentos sociohistóricos. Democracia. Justicia social.   Human rights education in Latin America: foundations for a democratic educational practice The present work seeks to understand the fundamentals of Human Rights Education (HRE) in Latin America, identifying the possible ruptures and continuities with the social project outlined in Modernity. The article starts from the idea that modern sociability formed the basis of contemporary Latin American educational practices, whose elements are human emancipation through the rational and universal production of knowledge, capitalist economy and centralized state. In the investigative path taken, it is understood that because they are not monolithic, the set of ideas, values and beliefs that make up Modernity present internal tensions and conflicts, which did not prevent the emergence of homogeneous thinking and the colonization of multiple social and cultural interests by the satisfaction of global economic interests. Then, the effects of the adoption of this project in Latin America are approached, marked by the direct domination of European colonizers, the extermination of the original peoples and successive authoritarian governments, emerging educational practices that prevent dialogue with local knowledge and the formation of participatory citizens. Through a qualitative approach and literature review, it is possible to identify that HRE in Latin America starts from a critical social reflection, which has its roots in the precepts of popular education and pro-democratic social movements, which seek to expand popular political participation. It is possible to conclude that dialogue and democracy are both a precondition and an end to the practice of education committed to human emancipation and inclusive participation. The challenge for maintaining a permanent HRE program is its neutralization or emptying due to economic, anti-democratic interests and the denial of local knowledge. Keywords: Human rights education. Latin America. Socio-historical foundations. Democracy. Social justice.


Author(s):  
Lucas Sebastián de Erice Aranda ◽  

The purpose of this article is to analyze the way in which the signing of new bilateral investment treaties can become a self-imposed limitation by the States to their ability to comply with their human rights obligations. Therefore, the main characteristics of these agreements will be analyzed, as well as the main points of collision with the International Human Rights Law. Likewise, the possible courses of action that the States have at their disposal to try to resolve that tension will be studied, through the example of three Latin American countries: Mexico, Ecuador and Brazil.


Author(s):  
Jesús Bedoya Ureña

Los últimos 30 años en Costa Rica han estado marcados por una notable contradicción dentro de la administración de la justicia. Aunque las bases axiológicas del Ministerio de Justicia y Paz –encargado de gestionar las prisiones en el país– están asentadas sobre la normativa de los derechos humanos y el modelo progresivo de la pena, estos valores han sido sistemáticamente contrariados debido a la enfática legislación punitiva, la cual ha propiciado que el país destaque en los últimos años entre los cinco de América Latina con mayor tasa de encarcelamiento. Esa notable paradoja marcó un reciente y amplio debate. Durante el periodo 2015-2018, se tomaron una serie de medidas para atenuar la condición de hiperencarcelamiento, tales como los traslados extraordinarios al modelo semiinstitucional. Dichas acciones fueron percibidas por la opinión pública desde el pánico moral y la reafirmación del castigo. Este artículo retoma esa controversia, como un ámbito de análisis sugerente de aspectos complejos como la propia concepción del Estado, el castigo y la justicia.   Abstract The last thirty years in Costa Rica had been marked by an important contradiction in the aspect of justice administration. Even though the axiological bases of the Ministry of Justice and Peace –institution in charge of the prisons in the country– were raised in the human rights normative and the progressive penalty system, these values have been systematically contradicted due to the emphatic punitive legislation, which has caused the country to stand out in the last years among the five Latin American countries with the higher rate of imprisonment. This notable paradox propitiated a broad debate. Between 2015 and 2018, some measures were implemented to mitigate the condition of hyper-incarceration, like the extraordinary transfers to the semi-institutional (or semi open) model. Such measures were perceived by the public opinion from a moral panic reaction and a vindication of the punishment. This paper recovers that controversy, as a field of analysis suggestive of complex aspects such as the very conception of the State, punishment and justice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle L. Dion ◽  
Jordi Díez

AbstractLatin America has been at the forefront of the expansion of rights for same-sex couples. Proponents of same-sex marriage frame the issue as related to human rights and democratic deepening; opponents emphasize morality tied to religious values. Elite framing shapes public opinion when frames resonate with individuals’ values and the frame source is deemed credible. Using surveys in 18 Latin American countries in 2010 and 2012, this article demonstrates that democratic values are associated with support for same-sex marriage while religiosity reduces support, particularly among strong democrats. The tension between democratic and religious values is particularly salient for women, people who live outside the capital city, and people who came of age during or before democratization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Alberto Leer Guillén

<p>Este artículo presenta la implementación de planes estratégicos por medio de la metodología de clase mundial del Balanced Scorecard de Kaplan y Norton en ministerios de varios países de América Latina, así como las adaptaciones necesarias, experiencias y lecciones aprendidas en el proceso.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article presents the implementation of strategic plans using the methodology of Kaplan and Norton´s world class balanced scorecard with required adaptations in several Latin American countries ministries, and the knowledge and lessons learned in the process<strong><br /></strong></p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Briceño-León

RESUMEN: El artículo analiza la situación de la violencia homicida en América Latina, cuál es su ubicación en la situación mundial de violencia y cuáles serían las posibles explicaciones para el lugar que ocupa. Utilizando la base de datos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud se clasifican las regiones por su tasa de homicidios y se ubica a América Latina como la región más violenta. Los países de América Latina son clasificados en cuatro grupos de acuerdo a la relación de su tasa de homicidios con la tasa media mundial y se caracterizan socialmente las víctimas.Para interpretar esa situación se relacionan con los niveles de urbanización y pobreza y se presentan los factores que pueden originar, fomentar y facilitar el incremento o disminución de los homicidios y su potencial utilidad en las políticas públicas.ABSTRACT: This article explores the situation of homicide violence in Latin America, its position within the worlds violence situation and the possible explanations for that position. Using the data bases of the World Health Organization, regions are classified by their homicide rates, which puts Latin America as the most violent region. Latin American countries are set in four groups according to the relation of their homicide rates with the world’s rate, and a social classification of victims is built. For interpreting this situation, those factors are put in relation with the levels of urbanization and poverty, and the possible causes of the increase or decrease of homicides are presented, as well as their potential utility for public policy making.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-105
Author(s):  
Ruslan Kostiuk ◽  

The article is devoted to the consideration and analysis of the practical policy of Latin American national reformism and social reformism during the Cold War. The author shows that the political and ideological gamut of the non-communist left movement in Latin America in the bipolar period was very wide. Specifically in this scientific article, the author refers to examples of the exercise of power by different directions of the socialist movement in the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, Panama, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Peru, Chile. The author shows the existing connections between Latin American national reformism and the Socialist International and at that time comes to the conclusion that the ideology and practice of Latin American social democracy during the Cold War had a special, specific character. The common features characteristics of both the ideological project and the practical policy of the social reformist forces in the period under review were a commitment to political transformations, the expansion of social and political rights of citizens, the strengthening of the state and public sector in the economy, the priority of social policy, an anti-oligarchic strategy, a focus on a fair agrarian reform, anti-imperialism and the desire to defend national independence in foreign policy. In some cases (Nicaragua, Panama, Chile), the nature of social-economic transformations went beyond the framework of classical social reformism and had a revolutionary democratic content. The results of the center-left experiments in Latin American countries during the Cold War have varied, but by the 1990s most of them had failed. This is largely due to the fact that in the specific historical conditions of Latin American countries, national reformism in power led to the development of authoritarian and personalist tendencies, an increase in corruption and bureaucracy, attempts to merge the party and state apparatus.


Author(s):  
Nicolás Carrillo-Santarelli ◽  
Carlos Arevalo-Narváez

<p class="Body">Como consecuencia de su amplia aceptación, los Principios Rectores sobre Empresas y Derechos Humanos se han erigido en el principal referente normativo en la materia. Ello explica que, gracias a sus efectos expresivos, hayan permeado e influido en la forma en que diferentes actores presenten sus discursos. Al apropiarse de los conceptos que en ellos se encuentran, tanto los Estados como órganos supervisores, activistas y las propias empresas en América Latina pueden o bien invocarlos para fortalecer iniciativas que buscan mejorar la protección frente a abusos empresariales o abstenerse de ir más allá de lo que los Principios dicen. Este artículo estudia cómo se han presentado estas dinámicas en América Latina, analizando la jurisprudencia de la Comisión y Corte Interamericanas de Derechos Humanos, planes de acción nacional y otras iniciativas estatales en la región, y si ha habido pronunciamientos de empresas que operan en la región que se hayan referido a los Principios.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (266) ◽  
pp. 360
Author(s):  
Pedro Assis Ribeiro de Oliveira

A importância sociológica da religião não se mede pelo número de seus adeptos, mas por sua capacidade de formar o “clima moral” da sociedade. A América Latina, constituída para ser economicamente explorada pelas metrópoles e ainda na periferia do sistema econômico mundial, vive hoje uma onda de participação política dos setores populares em busca de democracia e de uma outra AL possível. Esses sinais dos tempos interpelam a Igreja católica, onde a pastoral comprometida com os Direitos Humanos e com as lutas populares tem sido contestada por setores conservadores. O V CELAM reafirmará a participação da Igreja na construção desse novo “clima político”, ou se preocupará apenas em aumentar o número de seus membros?Abstract: The sociological significance of religion is not measured by the number of its followers but by its ability to produce a “moral climate” in society. Latin America, still on the periphery of the world economic system and constituted to be economically exploited by the metropolises is currently experiencing a wave of political participation on the part of the most popular sectors of society in search of real democracy and of other possibilities for Latin America. These signsofthetimes are challenging the Catholic Church where the pastoral committed to the popular struggle and to Human Rights is being contested by the conservative sectors. Will the 5th Latin American Episcopal Conference (CELAM) reaffirm the Church’s participation in the construction of this new “political climate” or will it only be concerned with expanding its membership?


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