scholarly journals Nossa América interpela a Igreja

2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (266) ◽  
pp. 360
Author(s):  
Pedro Assis Ribeiro de Oliveira

A importância sociológica da religião não se mede pelo número de seus adeptos, mas por sua capacidade de formar o “clima moral” da sociedade. A América Latina, constituída para ser economicamente explorada pelas metrópoles e ainda na periferia do sistema econômico mundial, vive hoje uma onda de participação política dos setores populares em busca de democracia e de uma outra AL possível. Esses sinais dos tempos interpelam a Igreja católica, onde a pastoral comprometida com os Direitos Humanos e com as lutas populares tem sido contestada por setores conservadores. O V CELAM reafirmará a participação da Igreja na construção desse novo “clima político”, ou se preocupará apenas em aumentar o número de seus membros?Abstract: The sociological significance of religion is not measured by the number of its followers but by its ability to produce a “moral climate” in society. Latin America, still on the periphery of the world economic system and constituted to be economically exploited by the metropolises is currently experiencing a wave of political participation on the part of the most popular sectors of society in search of real democracy and of other possibilities for Latin America. These signsofthetimes are challenging the Catholic Church where the pastoral committed to the popular struggle and to Human Rights is being contested by the conservative sectors. Will the 5th Latin American Episcopal Conference (CELAM) reaffirm the Church’s participation in the construction of this new “political climate” or will it only be concerned with expanding its membership?

Author(s):  
Felipe Gaytán Alcalá

Latin America was considered for many years the main bastion of Catholicism in the world by the number of parishioners and the influence of the church in the social and political life of the región, but in recent times there has been a decrease in the catholicity index. This paper explores three variables that have modified the identity of Catholicism in Latin American countries. The first one refers to the conversion processes that have expanded the presence of Christian denominations, by analyzing the reasons that revolve around the sense of belonging that these communities offer and that prop up their expansion and growth. The second variable accounts for those Catholics who still belong to the Catholic Church but who in their practices and beliefs have incorporated other magical or esoteric scheme in the form of religious syncretisms, modifying their sense of being Catholics in the world. The third factor has a political reference and has to do with the concept of laicism, a concept that sets its objective, not only in the separation of the State from the Church, but for historical reasons in catholicity restraint in the public space which has led to the confinement of the Catholic to the private, leaving other religious groups to occupy that space.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 653
Author(s):  
André Luiz Pereira Spinieli

O debate sobre o pluralismo jurídico no contexto político e social latino-americano não é recente, de modo que suas percepções foram renovadas a partir do movimento neoconstitucionalista operado no continente, responsável por desencadear alternativas epistêmicas para se pensar a efetividade dos direitos humanos e dos direitos de cidadania, tudo a partir da lógica de emancipação social e descolonialidade, como possibilidade de rompimento com o constitucionalismo tradicional, de cunho conservador, hegemônico e colonialista. Em termos gerais, como uma das respostas à concepção juspositivista, o pluralismo jurídico surge como modelo de pensamento para a práxis dos direitos humanos, em face de uma sociedade na qual impera a lógica das exclusões concretas em contrariedade às inclusões abstratas. Dessa forma, tomando por base a abordagem bibliográfica, este trabalho propõe oferecer reflexões a respeito do atual estado da cultura de direitos humanos instalada na América Latina, com enfoque nas contribuições epistemológicas advindas da teoria críticados direitos humanos e do pluralismo jurídico wolkmeriano.Palavras-chave: Pluralismo jurídico. Direitos humanos. Cultura constitucional. América Latina. Teoria crítica dos direitos humanos.LEGAL PLURALISM AS AN EPISTEMOLOGICAL ALTERNATIVE FOR THE CULTURE OF HUMAN RIGHTS SINCE THE LATIN AMERICAN CONTEXTAbstractThe debate on legal pluralism in the Latin American political and social context is not recent, so that their perceptions were renewed from the neo-constitutionalist movement operated on the continent, responsible for triggering epistemic alternatives to think about the effectiveness of human rights and human rights of citizenship, all based on the logic of social emancipation and decoloniality, as a possibility of breaking with traditional constitutionalism, of a conservative, hegemonic and colonialist nature. In general terms, as one of the answers to the juspositivist conception, legal pluralism emerges as a model of thoughtfor the practice of human rights, in the face of a society in which the logic of concrete exclusions prevails in opposition to abstract inclusions. Thus, based on the bibliographic approach, this work proposes to offer reflections on the current state of human rights culture in Latin America, focusing on the epistemological contributions arising from the critical theory of human rights and legal Wolkmer’s pluralism.Keywords: Legal Pluralism. Human rights. Constitutional culture. Latin America. Critical theory of human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-52
Author(s):  
L Gironés ◽  
A.H. Arias ◽  
J.E. Marcovecchio

Organochlorine pesticides (OCPs) are compounds that have been forbidden in most of the World countries for been highly toxic and persistent. Due to their intrinsic characteristics, even today, they can be found in almost any environment. In this work it was aimed to analyze their distribution in Latin American coastal sediments, at Atlantic and Pacific oceans, through the analysis of thirty three scientific publications that characterized a total of fifty five sites. It was observed that general concentrations depended of the own characteristics of each site, being larger closer to big cities or intensive agricultural fields, as well as semi-closed environments with larger rates of water permanence and consequently larger influence from the continent. Likewise it was observed that the composed addition of OCPs was similar among sites located in the same country or region. Keywords: Organochlorine pesticides, sediments, coasts, Latin America, composition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madelyn Evans

Since the earliest days of colonization, religion – in particular, the Roman Catholic Church – has been a driving force in the Latin American politics, economics, and society. As the region underwent frequent political instability and high levels of violence, the Church remained a steady, powerful force in society. This paper will explore the relationship between the Catholic Church and the struggle to defend human rights during the particularly oppressive era of bureaucratic-authoritarianism in Latin America throughout the 1960s–1980s. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the Church undertook the struggle to protect human rights because its modernized social mission sought to support the oppressed suffering from the political, economic, and social status quo. In challenging the legitimacy of the ruling national security ideology and illuminating the moral dimensions of violence, the Catholic Church became a crucial constructive agent in spurring social change, mitigating the effects of violence, and setting a democratic framework for the future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 183-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Christine Doran

The criminalization of social movements and protest remains underanalyzed as a problem intrinsic to democracy. Comparison of two seemingly different Latin American countries with regard to the degree of violence, Chile and Mexico, suggests that, far from being caused by the dysfunction of the legal system or other institutional factors, criminalization is a specific form of retrenching on well-established civil and political rights, rendering them synonymous with criminal behavior that must be sanctioned legally, and tolerates abusive behavior by state agents toward human rights defenders, who are viewed as enemies. As such, it is key to an understanding of the current violence in Latin America. Fieldwork and interviews of human rights defenders in the two countries suggest that criminalization of collective action is a systemic state response to the intense multifaceted mobilization in favor of democracy and new generations of rights that Latin America has been experiencing “from below” during the past decade. La criminalización de los movimientos y protestas sociales sigue siendo un problema intrínseco a la democracia pero es poco analizado como tal. Una comparación del grado de violencia en dos países latinoamericanos, Chile y México, sugiere que, lejos de ser el producto del sistema legal u otros factores institucionales, la criminalización es una forma específica de reducir derechos civiles y políticos bien establecidos y convertirlos en sinónimo de comportamiento criminal que debe ser sancionado legalmente. Dicho proceso tolera el comportamiento abusivo por parte de agentes del estado hacia defensores de los derechos humanos, quienes aparecen como enemigos. Esto es crucial para entender la actual violencia en América Latina. La criminalización de la acción colectiva es una respuesta estatal sistémica a una intensa y multifacética movilización de grupos de base a favor de la democracia y nuevos derechos en esta última década.


2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (53) ◽  
pp. 39-46
Author(s):  
Armando Arredondo López

RESUMEN El presente artículo incluye los principales planteamientos sobre las experiencias y balances de las Comisiones Nacionales en Macroeconomía y Salud (CMES), centrando su análisis en la pertinencia y relevancia para los países de América Latina. A manera de introducción, la primera parte plantea algunas premisas de las relaciones entre reforma en salud, inversión y desarrollo, como parte del eje central que abordan las CMES en los países. Posteriormente, se dan los principales antecedentes, lineamientos, conformación e implementación de tales comisiones en el mundo y en países de América Latina. La segunda parte del documento incluye el análisis de aportes y avances de metas y estrategias como objeto de análisis de tales comisiones: indicadores de mortalidad, indicadores de financiamiento/inversión e indicadores de generación de conocimiento. Finalmente, a manera de conclusión se plantean de manera explícita las principales reflexiones a partir del desarrollo de las CMES y de las tendencias de los indicadores revisados, así como una lista de sugerencias a manera de lecciones aprendidas que podrían ser retomadas para el redimensionamiento de las comisiones ya implementadas; o bien, para la implementación de nuevas comisiones en países donde aún se encuentran de manera incipiente. ABSTRACT This article covers the main approaches based on the experience and reports of the National Commissions on Macroeconomics and Health (CMES), focusing their analysis on the relevance and significance for the Latin American countries. As an introduction, the first part of this paper poses some premises of the relationship between health reform, investment, and development as part of the central axis that the CMES approach in the countries. After that, the main background, guidelines, creation, and implementation of such commissions in the world and in Latin America are given. The second part of this document includes an analysis of contributions and goals and strategies advancement as an object of analysis of such committees: mortality, finance/investment, and knowledge generation indicators. Finally, as a conclusion, there is a detailed explanation of the main reflections from the development of the CMES and trends of the revised indicators, as well as a list of suggestions that can be considered as learned lessons that could be retaken up for the remodeling of the already implemented commissions or to the implementation of new committees in countries that have them still in a fledgling way.


Author(s):  
Lucas Soares Portela

Da mesma forma que Cristo dividiu sua missão com os apóstolos, o Papa divide seu pontificado com colaboradores, sendo estes determinantes para a condução da Política da Igreja. Este artigo aborda as alterações que o Papa Francisco realizou durante o primeiro ano de seu pontificado, com o objetivo de analisar as tendências organizacionais deste novo pontificado e sua relação com a “hemorragia de fiéis” na América Latina. Esta reflexão é realizada abordando inicialmente os aspectos metodológicos sobre a Política Vaticana. Posteriormente, o artigo realiza um debate sobre novos órgãos no processo decisório vaticanista e a reconfiguração de órgãos antigos. Além de falar das mudanças, o artigo também fala das manutenções no processo decisório da Igreja, pois elas também trazem muito significado sobre as intenções do papa Argentino. Para tanto, o método de pesquisa utilizado é a documentação direta, tendo com instrumentos a pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Ao final do artigo, foi concluída uma tendência ao perfil moderado no governo do Papa Francisco, além de uma predisposição por nomes latino-americanos ou que tiveram experiências e residências no continente latino-americano. Os resultados deste estudo contribuem para futuras pesquisas sobre o governo da Santa Sé em resposta a “hemorragia de fiéis” na América Latina. Palavras-chave: Igreja Católica. Cardeais. Organização Política.AbstractAs the same way Christ shared his mission with the apostles, the Pope shares his administration with his collaborators and the choice of these men is crucial for the conduct of Church.This article discusses the changes that the Pope Francis held during the first year of his pontificate to analyze the organizational trends of this new pontificate and its relationship with the bleeding of the faithful in Latin America. The discussion covers methodological issues about Vatican policy; a debate on new organs of the Vatican in political decisions; reconfiguration of existing agencies; and maintenance in the decision making process of the church. Thus, the research method used was direct documentation, and used the bibliographic and documentary research. Finally, the article noted a tendency to moderate profile in the government of the Pope Francisco, and it also noted a predisposition for Latin-American names or who have had experiences and residences in the Latin American continent. Result of this priority to stop the bleeding of the faithful in Latin America and manage crises in the Church as a whole.Keywords: Catholic Church. Cardinals. Policy Organization. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 192
Author(s):  
Thales Reis Alecrim

O presente artigo objetiva compreender as várias identidades sobrepostas, por vezes contraditórias ou confluentes, na canção Tercer Mundo do conjunto Secos & Molhados. A canção é a primeira faixa do lado A do disco Secos & Molhados II (1974). A letra é um fragmento da Prosa del Observatório (1972) do escritor Julio Cortázar. A prosa trata, no plano metafórico, da insuficiência da razão para compreendermos o mundo. A canção, no rastro das ideias da prosa, mobilizou referências que se alinhavam a essa perspectiva, mesclando elementos estético-ideológicos de ideias que previam uma união latino-americana, ibérica, terceiro mundista e ligada à contracultura. Dessa forma, diante desse quadro complexo, seguimos um caminho de análise que visa identificar o público consumidor e como essas identidades se configuravam e, dependendo do caso, se uniam ou excluíam.Palavras-chave: América latina. Terceiro mundo. Canção. Contracultura. Identidade.AbstractThe present article aims to understand the various identities, sometimes contradictory or confluent, in the song Tercer Mundo by the group Secos & Molhados. The song is the first track on side A of the album Secos & Molhados II (1974). The lyrics are a fragment of the Prosa del Observatorio (1972) by the writer Julio Cortázar. At the metaphorical level, the prose deals with the insufficiency of the rationalist paradigm to understand the world. The song, in the vein of prose ideas, mobilized references that aligned with this perspective, mixing aesthetic-ideological elements of ideas that foresaw a Latin American, Iberian, third wordlist, and linked to the counterculture union. Thus, in the face of this complex picture, we follow a path of analysis that aims to identify the consumer public and how these identities were configured and, depending on the case, were united or excluded.Keywords: Latin America. Third World. Song. Counterculture. Identity.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania M. Alvarez

Bolivarianism, as both populist political practice and political re-articulation of democracy, development and identity in Latin America offers a new vision of the world that resists globalization and encourages participation, popular empowerment, Latin American integration and independence. The thesis employs discourse analysis to examine the newly launched teleSUR, an international public broadcasting network (the first of its kind) conceived as an alternative media text to American and private television and as a medium of political change. Specifically, I apply my analysis to the news and testimony genre as a particular moments articulated together within a wider discourse of Bolivarianism emerging out of Venezuela today. An attempt will be made to uncover the key signifiers in the broadcasts and identify the strengths of the links regarding discursive constructions of supra- and plurinationalism, political participation and national sovereignty.


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