scholarly journals The Political Dynamic of Redistribution in Unequal Democracies: The Center-Left Governments of Chile and Uruguay in Comparative Perspective

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 152-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florencia Antía
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
High Income ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
The Social ◽  
Labor Relationship ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Distribution Of Power

The redistributive reforms carried out by center-left governments in Chile and Uruguay in the 2000s affected the core interests of economic elites. Efforts to increase taxes on high-income sectors and reform the institutions that regulate the capital-labor relationship produced different results in the two countries. While Uruguay adopted significant reforms, reforms in Chile were marginal in 2000–2010 and moderate in 2014–2016. Their different trajectories are related to different configurations of the distribution of power resources between the elites and the social organizations that represent the interests of low-income sectors. Las reformas redistributivas llevadas a cabo por los gobiernos de centro-izquierda en Chile y Uruguay en la década de 2000 afectaron los intereses centrales de las élites económicas. Los esfuerzos para aumentar los impuestos a los sectores de altos ingresos y reformar las instituciones que regulan la relación capital-trabajo produjeron resultados diferentes en los dos países. Mientras que Uruguay adoptó reformas significativas, las reformas en Chile fueron marginales en 2000–2010 y moderadas en 2014–2016. Sus diferentes trayectorias están relacionadas con diferentes configuraciones de la distribución de recursos de poder entre las élites y las organizaciones sociales que representan los intereses de los sectores de bajos ingresos.

scholarly journals Vertical position can affect categorization of the rich and the poor in Chinese culture

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 183449092110257
Author(s):  
Qiong Li ◽  
Chen Deng ◽  
Bin Zuo ◽  
Xiaobin Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
Chinese Culture ◽  
Social Categorization ◽  
High Income ◽  
Vertical Position ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Rich

This study explored whether vertical position affects social categorization of the rich and the poor. Experiment 1 used high- and low-income occupations as stimuli, and found participants categorized high-income occupations faster when they were presented in the top vertical position compared to the bottom vertical position. In Experiment 2, participants responded using either the “up” or “down” key to categorize high- and low-income occupations, and responded faster to high-income occupations with the “up” key and low-income occupations with the “down” key. In Experiment 3, names identified as belonging to either rich or poor individuals were presented at the top or bottom of a screen, and the results were the same as in Experiments 1 and 2. These findings suggest that social categorization based on wealth involved perceptual simulations of vertical position, and that vertical position affects the social categorization of the rich and the poor.

scholarly journals Laos in 2020

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-148
Author(s):  
Holly High
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Public Debt ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
The Core ◽  
Global Pandemic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Health Advice ◽  
Revolutionary Party

In 2020, Laos successfully contained the spread of COVID-19, with very few cases and no deaths. The key elements of the COVID-19 response reflect not only public health advice but also the core values of the political culture promoted by the ruling Lao People’s Revolutionary Party. These include unity, solidarity, struggle, respect for science, guidance by a strong center, and the extension of the state into everyday life in the form of designated roles, committees, and organizations. These significantly shaped the social fabric drawn on in the COVID-19 response. This success, then, can be read as a reaping of some of the benefits of this political culture. More ominously, the global pandemic exacerbated Lao PDR’s public debt crisis. Born of years of government backing of megaprojects such as hydropower, this debt is the dark harvest of the LPRP’s reign.

scholarly journals AGAMA DAN RITUAL SLAMETAN: Deskripsi-Antropologis Keberagamaan Masyarakat Jawa

2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
A. Kholil
Keyword(s):  
Religious Belief ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Diversity ◽  
The Core ◽  
Life Problems ◽  
The Social ◽  
Vested Interests

<p>Substantially, the core of religious belief is believing God as being transcendental, sacred, pure, above everything related to the Almighty. Functionally, the core of religious belief is an effort to handle life problems: existential problems. Religion always leads to goodness physically and spiritually. However, the followers of religion do not always do it. Diversity thought in a religion using charity done by its followers always colors tire practice of the social diversity. It might be caused by a misinterpretation to the doctrine or certain vested interests often happened in the political life. In fact, this is the reality happened in the religious life of our society. "Religious ambiguity" appears in "slametan" becoming tire tradition of our society, especially Javanese. "Slametan" presents symbolism that needs more explanation to be rightly understood. "Sega golong", "manungsa",and "pecel pitik" are symbolizing for nine orifices, "manunggal ing rasa", and an effort to get goodness.</p><p> </p><p>Secara substansial, inti keyakinan religius adalah mempercayai Tuhan sebagai transendental, sakral, murni, di atas segala hal yang berhubungan dengan Yang Maha Kuasa. Secara fungsional, inti keyakinan religius adalah upaya untuk mengatasi masalah hidup: masalah eksistensial. Agama selalu mengarah pada kebaikan jasmani dan rohani. Namun, para penganut agama tidak selalu melakukannya. Keragaman pemikiran dalam sebuah agama yang menggunakan amal yang dilakukan oleh para pengikutnya selalu mewarnai praktek ban dari keanekaragaman sosial. Hal itu mungkin disebabkan oleh salah tafsir terhadap doktrin atau kepentingan tertentu yang sering terjadi dalam kehidupan politik. Padahal, inilah kenyataan yang terjadi dalam kehidupan religius masyarakat kita. "Ambiguitas religius" muncul dalam "slametan" menjadi tradisi ban masyarakat kita, terutama orang Jawa. "Slametan" menyajikan simbolisme yang membutuhkan penjelasan lebih banyak agar dipahami dengan benar. "Sega golong", "manungsa", dan "pecel pitik" melambangkan sembilan lubang, "manunggal ing rasa", dan usaha untuk mendapatkan kebaikan.</p>

scholarly journals Shaping the Grammar of Security.

AmeriQuests ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Lynn De Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Critical Realism ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Critical Hermeneutics ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Core ◽  
Language Discourse ◽  
The Social

In Australia, practices of preemptive deterrence construct the political identity of asylum seekers as the ‘illegal other’, and as a threat to national security and to national identity. At the core of the state's illegality regimes lies the endorsement of exclusionary norms through the grammar of security. Who is responsible for the endorsement of these norms and how do they (re)produce illegality regimes? How are securitization moves legitimized and sustained through illegality regimes? How may they be resisted? A case study of Sweden illustrates how the securitization discourses mobilizing illegality regimes may be resisted through norm circles in the political sphere that endorse norms of egalitarianism, justice and equality. This paper focuses on the ‘critical realism’ associated with the works of Dave Elder-Vass and Roy Bhaskar. Elder-Vass draws on the philosophy of Roy Bhaskar to examine the ontology of language, discourse, culture and knowledge and their contribute to the construction of social reality, thus synthesizing aspects of realism and constructionism. Roy Bhaskar’s philosophy of the social sciences has aimed to crystallize a transcendental realist framework incorporating a form of critical naturalism and also critical hermeneutics.

Brazil’s social economic incubators

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reinaldo Pacheco da Costa
Keyword(s):  
Low Income ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Evolution ◽  
Solidarity Economy ◽  
Economic Plan ◽  
The Social ◽  
Economic Stagnation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Scene

In the 1980s, coinciding with the struggle for Brazil's re-democratisation, the Solidarity Economy movement emerged as an alternative to an economic plan that resulted in massive unemployment and economic stagnation. In this context, workers organizations based in self-management principles arose as a comprehensive economic, political and social movement. The Social Economic Incubators (SEI) support the creation of solidarity economic ventures (SEVs) in low-income communities through an incubation process conducted by universities to help generating income and jobs. This chapter gives an overview of these incubators, starting with a discussion of their historical evolution and political scene; presenting the political and pedagogical process adopted within the incubators and its methodology regarding the social economic ventures; and showing how these incubators were supported by the government and the civil society. Finally, the chapter discusses the results and benefits of the incubation process, not only in economic terms, but also in its educational, cultural and political nature.

Bread Before Guns or Butter: Introducing Surplus Domestic Product (SDP)

2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Therese Anders ◽  
Christopher J Fariss ◽  
Jonathan N Markowitz
Keyword(s):  
Measurement Error ◽  
Gross Domestic Product ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
Empirical Models ◽  
Domestic Product ◽  
The Core ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Mixed Support ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
Core Problem

Abstract Scholars systematically mismeasure power resources and military burdens by using gross domestic product (GDP) as a proxy for the income states can devote to arming. The core problem is that GDP confounds two conceptually distinct forms of income into one additive indicator. Subsistence income represents resources needed to provide the “bread” necessary to cover the basic subsistence needs of the population. Surplus income represents the remaining resources that could be allocated to “guns” or “butter.” Our new measure of surplus domestic product (SDP) corrects for this measurement error by decomposing subsistence income and surplus income from total GDP. Validation exercises demonstrate that SDP outperforms GDP at measuring the distribution of power resources. Though theoretically we expect states’ decisions to arm are influenced by the distribution of power; empirical models using GDP find mixed support for this expectation. Strikingly, using SDP reveals strong support for this proposition.

scholarly journals Professionalism and the Millbank Tendency: The Political Sociology of New Labour's Employees

Politics ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Webb ◽  
Justin Fisher
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Self Regulation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Sociology Of Professions ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Core Characteristics ◽  
Shed Light

This article analyses party employees, one of the most under-researched subjects in the study of British political parties. We draw on a blend of quantitative and qualitative data in order to shed light on the social and political profiles of Labour Party staff, and on the question of their professionalisation. The latter theme is developed through a model derived from the sociology of professions. While a relatively limited proportion of party employees conform to the pure ideal-type of professionalism, a considerably greater number manifest enough of the core characteristics of specialisation, commitment, mobility, autonomy and self-regulation to be reasonably described as ‘professionals in pursuit of political outcomes’.

Changes in the Ecological Structure of Hong Kong 1961–1971: A Comparative Analysis

1975 ◽  
Vol 7 (8) ◽  
pp. 941-963 ◽  
Author(s):  
C P Lo
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Public Housing ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Numerical Procedure ◽  
High Income ◽  
New Public ◽  
Housing Area ◽  
The Social ◽  
White Collar Workers ◽  
Orthogonal And Oblique Rotations

Two sets of data from the 1961 and 1971 censuses of the colonial city of Hong Kong have been factor analysed by various methods that have been subjected to orthogonal and varimax rotations. Interpretations have revealed two robust factors of ‘high-income expatriate workers’ and ‘low-income blue- and white-collar workers’ in 1961. By 1971 a more diversified socioeconomic stratification of the Chinese and high-income expatriate workers had emerged. A new ‘public-housing residents’ dimension also appeared. The spatial patterns of the social areas of Hong Kong over a decade, obtained by a numerical procedure of cluster analysis, have also been compared, and the massive involuntary redistribution of population that resulted in the creation of a peripheral, government public-housing area in the previously rural—urban fringe area has been noted. These lead to some theoretical considerations of the validity of Western urban theories and concepts since the Hong Kong spatial pattern tends towards a greater degree of regularity. It is also recommended that the orthogonal and oblique rotations can complement each other to give the macro and micro variations of the urban dimensions.

What’s in a Name? Questions for a New Monument

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margrethe Troensegaard
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Public Space ◽  
Culturally Diverse ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Core ◽  
The People ◽  
Modern Sculpture ◽  
The Social ◽  
We The People

What is the contemporary condition of the monument? In relation to the current issue’s discussion of immersive and discursive exhibition practices, this essay places itself at a slight remove; rather than to analyse and evaluate specific curatorial strategies it seeks to raise questions of relevance to such practices and begins by moving the discourse out of the museum and into the public space. The point of interrogation here is the monument, a form with a particular capacity to tease and expose the triad we find at the core of any curatorial discourse: the relation between institution, artwork and audience. Following an introductory reflection on how to describe and define a ‘monument’, a term so broadly used it all but loses its value, the text proceeds to examine three cases, Monument de la Renaissance Africaine, Dakar (2010), Danh Vo’s WE THE PEOPLE (DETAIL), various locations (2010-13), and Thomas Hirschhorn’s Gramsci Monument, New York (2013). The sequencing of these geographically and culturally diverse works makes way for an interrogatory piece of writing that addresses the question of permanence versus temporariness of the artwork as exhibition (and the exhibition as artwork), and that of the political agency of the artistic form. Probing the social agency of the monument, the text draws lines between the symbolising capacity once held by modern sculpture and the oscillation between immersion and discursiveness as two complimentary modes of communication. The discursive content or function of the monument (i.e. what it commemorates) is activated through the viewer’s personal, immersive encounter with its form, a form that potentially places its viewer as a participant to the construction of its message rather than as a mere receiver.

Entrustment and its Changing Political Meanings in Fuladu, the Gambia (1880–1994)

Africa ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice Bellagamba
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
The Core ◽  
Social Settings ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Stable Forms

AbstractThe practice of entrustment is a form of voluntary allegiance for the sake of protection, one which historically lies at the core of host–stranger relationships along the River Gambia. Deeply woven into the social fabric of local communities, it was appropriated by various historical subjects during the twentieth century in order to construct networks of political confidence and mutual assistance at a local and national level. This article traces this dynamic process of re-elaboration. In so doing, it takes into account the history of a Mandinka commercial settlement in eastern Gambia from the late nineteenth century to post-Independence times, and questions the shifts that occurred in the political significance of entrustment with changing social and economic scenarios. Contextualised in the longue durée, the practice of karafoo shows its relevance as a cultural resource encouraging the creation of networks of trust and interdependence in social settings historically characterised by seasonal and more stable forms of migration.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document