Marriage to the Same Kind: Organizational Political Ideology and Mergers and Acquisitions

2021 ◽  
pp. 017084062198900 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dawn Yi Lin Chow ◽  
Christodoulos Louca ◽  
Andreas P. Petrou ◽  
Andreas Procopiou

This study contributes to the growing literature on organizational political ideology by positing that acquiring firms choose targets with similar organizational political ideology in their effort to retain employees post-merger. Using a sample of M&A announcements in the United States from 1996 to 2014, we find a positive relationship between the similarity of political ideologies of the merging organizations and the likelihood of M&A announcement. In addition, we find that our main relationship is stronger the more homogeneous the organizational political ideology of the acquirer, and the more the human capital intensity of the merging firms. In addition, we find support for the proposed mechanism that drives the main relationship. We thus introduce the concept of organizational political ideology into the debate over the influence of organizational values in M&As, and we extend the theoretical application of political ideology to settings with inter-organizational partnerships.

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-271
Author(s):  
L. Maria Bo

Abstract This article examines Eileen Chang’s 1953 translation of Ernest Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea into Chinese as Cold War propaganda for the United States Information Service (USIS). It argues that this translation, meant to show the truth of democracy through its high modernist form, directly influenced the writing and translating of The Rice-Sprout Song (1955), the novel Chang wrote next for the USIS to expose the truth of famine in Communist China. I show that Chang’s translation practices connect US and Chinese literary modernisms in a showdown of literary forms and their disparate claims to the truth. Chang navigates political ideologies by eschewing linguistic equivalence to favor equivocation instead, ultimately transforming Hemingway’s modernist form via her own. It thus adds to transpacific studies and Cold War historiography by revealing the intimate relationship between political ideology and literary form, and their cross-fertilization in the process of translation.


1984 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 683-686 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Mahoney ◽  
Constance L. Coogle ◽  
P. David Banks

Values expressed in the inaugural addresses of the presidents of the United States were hypothesized to reflect an underlying factor structure characterized by historical value citations of “Freedom” and “Equality,” identified by Rokeach in 1973 as relevant to major political ideologies. A positive emphasis on both values yields a socialistic perspective, while rejection of both values generates fascism. Capitalism endorses “freedom” but rejects “equality,” while an emphasis on “equality” to the exclusion of “freedom” reflects Communism. Blind raters (with interrater reliabilities of .88 to .92) content analyzed the 50 inaugural addresses of 40 presidents, from Washington through Reagan, with reference to eight values (economy, equality, freedom, justice, morality, peace, power, and religion) identified as historically consistent themes in inaugural addresses. Factor analysis yielded two basic dimensions clearly identifiable as “Freedom” and “Equality,” lending substantial support to Rokeach's findings.


2021 ◽  
pp. 036168432199204
Author(s):  
Sarah L. Robinson ◽  
Clara Kulich ◽  
Cristina Aelenei ◽  
Vincenzo Iacoviello

Research on glass cliff political candidacies shows that compared to men, women are more likely to run for office in districts where they are likely to lose. We examined if party differences in whether female candidates face these worse conditions in the United States could account for persistent and growing party and state variation in women’s representation. Using election data from 2011 to 2016, we compared Republican versus Democratic candidacies at the state legislative level. We found that women in both parties faced glass cliffs in House races, but not in the Senate. For Republican women, glass cliff conditions accounted for worse election outcomes, but Democratic women were more likely to win when these conditions were considered. Variation in party by state measures of glass cliff effects were also found to explain state variation in women’s office holding. We found that for Democrats, more women win when more women run, but for Republicans, more women win only when the seats they face are more winnable. These results point to the role of polarized traditional versus progressive political ideologies in structuring the motives which underlie glass cliff conditions for women in politics, suggesting that practical solutions be tailored to party. To overcome the growing gap in women’s representation, current efforts to increase the quantity of women running would be complemented by a focus on improving the quality of contests they face, with Republican women most likely to benefit. Further research attending to the multiple sources of variation which impact gendered election outcomes can inform more targeted solutions for advancing equality. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ’s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/0361684321992046


Economies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franklin G. Mixon ◽  
Chandini Sankaran ◽  
Kamal P. Upadhyaya

This study extends the political science and political psychology literature on the political ideology of lawmakers by addressing the following question: How stable is a legislator’s political ideology over time? In doing so, we employ Nokken–Poole scores of legislators’ political ideology for members of the United States (U.S.) House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate who were elected prior to the 103rd Congress that began in early 1991 and who served consecutively through the 115th Congress, which ended in early 2019. Results from individual time-series estimations suggest that political ideology is unstable over time for a sizable portion of the members of both major political parties who serve in the U.S. Congress, while analysis of the pooled data suggests that, after accounting for inertia in political ideology and individual legislator effects, Republican legislators become more conservative over time. These results run somewhat counter to the finding in prior studies that the political ideologies of lawmakers and other political elites are stable over time.


2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 1245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ho-Young Lee ◽  
Vivek Mande ◽  
Jong Chool Park

This study examines whether the stock market returns surrounding announcements of mergers and acquisitions (M&A) are higher for acquiring firms audited by industry specialists. External auditors are uniquely positioned to provide assurance on the financial statements of their acquiring clients both before and after an acquisition. Also, an important aspect of due diligence in M&A transactions is the external auditors review of the accounting records, financial statements, internal controls and information systems of the target company. Using a sample of 4,283 M&A announcements between 1988 and 2011 in the United States of America, we report the results from our main regressions, controlling for all the bidder traits and deal characteristics. We examine incremental effect of audit firm specialization on cumulative abnormal returns. We also measure the effect of audit firm industry specialization in a reduced sample of 3,946 acquisitions after removing all non-Big N auditors. We use Heckmans (1979) two-step procedure to ensure that announcement period return to the size of the audit firm is not driven by the determinants related to auditor choice. Consistent with the idea that industry specialists provide higher quality assurance and possibly superior M&A advisory services, we find that the stock market returns are higher when acquiring firms are audited by industry specialists.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 577-598 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Gibbins ◽  
Neil Nevitte

AbstractThis article explores contemporary political ideologies in English Canada, francophone Quebec and the United States using cross-national attitudinal survey data. Drawing central hypotheses from the qualitative Canadian-American political culture literature, the analysis focusses on three dimensions of political ideology—ideological polarization, the issue content of the respective lefts and rights, and ideological coherence. Evidence of distinctive national “lefts,” together with fundamental similarities in the English-Canadian and American ideological “rights” and important differences in the ideological structures of the three political cultures, call into question some conventional generalizations found in the nonquantitative literature.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark John Brandt ◽  
G. Scott Morgan

Ideology and political beliefs are individual-level phenomena that are intended to describe the political thoughts of a person. However, the modal study of the structure of political ideologies and beliefs uses cross-sectional survey data to estimate what is central to the belief system or the dimensionality of the belief system. Cross-sectional data are ill-suited to the task of studying individual-level phenomena because they contain an unobservable mixture of within-person and between-person variation. In this project, we use longitudinal datasets from the Netherlands and the United States, spanning between 6 months and 10 years, to we ask whether the modal study helps us understand the ideologies in people’s heads? First, using Bayesian STARTS models (Lüdtke, Robitzsch, & Wagner, 2018), we find that variability in measures of ideology and political beliefs is primarily due to stable between-person differences, with relatively smaller amounts variation due to within-person change. Second, we estimate between-person, within-person, and cross-sectional correlations between all items in our study and find that between-person correlations are substantially different from within-person correlations. Between-person correlations are larger and in some cases differ in their direction from within-person correlations. Cross-sectional correlations are most similar to between-person correlations, suggesting that the modal study may help describe divisions between people but is ill-suited to tell us about the structure of individual’s ideologies and political beliefs. New methods are necessary for a complete understanding of political attitudes that can focus on both between- and within-person processes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (16) ◽  
pp. 4417
Author(s):  
Namgyoo K. Park ◽  
Monica Youngshin Chun ◽  
Jeonghwan Lee

We focused on mobile engineers, a distinctive employee group that may have unique reactions to mergers and acquisitions (M&As). Mobile engineers, employees that move from one firm to another, were previously recognized as an undesirable loss by most knowledge-intensive organizations. However, in this study, we show that they may return to their former organizations as effective knowledge creators when their previous and new organizations unite through M&As. We specifically investigated how their mobility direction, relational assets, and intellectual assets affect the amount of knowledge that is jointly created through inter-personal collaborations following the M&A. Using the data of 410 mobile engineers in high-technology M&As during 2000–2004 in the United States, we found that the mobility direction from acquiring firms to targets prior to M&A has a positive impact on joint knowledge creation. We also found that such mobility direction positively moderates the relationship between human assets of mobile engineers and their joint knowledge creation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vukašin Gligorić ◽  
Allard Feddes ◽  
Bertjan Doosje

Frankfurt defined persuasive communication that has no regard for truth, knowledge, or evidence as bullshit. Although there has been a lot of psychological research on pseudo-profound bullshit, no study examined this type of communication in politics. In the present research, we operationalize political bullshit receptivity as endorsing vague political statements, slogans, and political bullshit programs. We investigated the relationship of these three measures with pseudo-profound bullshit, ideology (political ideology, support for neoliberalism), populism, and voting behavior. Three pre-registered studies in different cultural settings (the United States, Serbia, The Netherlands; total N = 534) yielded medium to high intercorrelations between political bullshit measures and pseudo-profound bullshit, and good construct validity (hypothesized one-factor solution). A Bayesian meta-analysis showed that all political bullshit measures positively correlated with support for the free market, while only some positively correlated with social (political statements and programs) and economic conservatism (programs), and populism (programs). In the U.S., higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability that one voted for Trump (vs Clinton) in the past and higher intentions to vote for Trump (vs Biden and Sanders). In the Netherlands, higher receptivity to political bullshit predicted the intention to vote for the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy. Exploratory analyses on merged datasets showed that higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability to vote for right-wing candidates/parties and lower probability for the left-wing ones. Overall, political bullshit endorsement showed good validity, opening avenues for research in political communication, especially when this communication is broad and meaningless.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Konstantinov

The aim of the article is to concretize the concept of political ideology in the aspect of its matrix structure and in the context of the cognitive-evolutionary approach. Based on Michael Frieden's morphological approach to the analysis of ideological consciousness, the concept of cognitive-ideological matrices is introduced, which allows us to describe the process of transition from proto-ideological to ideological concepts proper, especially at the level of individual consciousness. The identification of the ideological concept as the main “gene” of conceptual variability and inheritance made it possible to describe the main parameters of the evolution of political ideologies and associate it with changes taking place at the individual consciousness level. The described concept was tested in a series of sociological studies of youth consciousness conducted in 2015-2016 and 2018-2020. As a result of the study, it was possible to first identify the “zero level” of ideology, at which the minds of young respondents are potentially open to the influence of diverse and often mutually exclusive ideological orientations, and second, to pinpoint the changes that have occurred in the cognitive ideological matrices of Rostov-on-Don students over the past five years. This study was conducted by scientists from the southern Federal University.


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