The Quest for Institutional Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

2008 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 714-737 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius Søberg

This article investigates the quest for institutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the 1995 Dayton Peace Agreement. Reform does not take place in a vacuum and the successful reform of the Bosnian polity is dependent on public support. Public demands for reform are likely to be influenced by how the current institutions are believed to be functioning and by the public support for the current institutional set-up as such. Still, the demands for alterations by the political elites of the different national communities highlight a continuing lack of consensus. Although the Constitution allows for a revision, the political room for such changes is limited, and the challenge remains to provide adequate degree of autonomy of national groups without diminishing the quality of democracy. The need to differentiate between the protection of legitimate national and minority rights and unacceptable nationalist demands emerges as a challenge with no easy solution.

2011 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 819-839 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Roberts ◽  
Byung-Yeon Kim

This article assesses the degree of policy responsiveness in the new democracies of post-communist Europe. Panel data on economic reform and public opinion show that public support for reform has a large and significant effect on reform progress. Where public support for reform is high, reform proceeds more quickly. This effect remains strong even when controlling for the endogeneity of public support and other economic and political causes of reform, though it is strongest in more democratic countries. These results suggest that economic reform may be better promoted by persuading the public of the beneficial consequences of reform than by trying to insulate reformers from the public, and that the quality of democracy in the region may be higher than commonly perceived.


Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.


Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-562
Author(s):  
Catherine Guillermet ◽  
Johan Ryngaert

Ten years after they were set up, the Italian regions have fallen into general discredit. They are discredited by the central government who regards them as a source of support for the opposing Communist Party and has sought to undermine this reform by depriving the regions of all true autonomy. The regions are discredited by the public opinion by not fulfilling the expectations placed in them. Such an assessment does not stand up to a close examination of regional practices : some geographical differences rapidly become obvious, but especially evident are the political differences. In fact, the regions are the product of an apparent agreement between the political parties and have always suffered from political bargaining which explains the national scale of the issues raised at the last elections. Strengthened by the favorable results obtained in certain regions, the Communist Party was quick to turn this statement of the electoral opinion into a « referendum » about the newly formed Cossiga government.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 284
Author(s):  
Nuriyanto Nuriyanto

Dynamic development of society, they want the public bureaucracy to be able  to provide the public services more professional, effective, simple, transparent, open, timely, responsive and adaptive. With excellent public service, to build a human quality in the sense  of  increasing  the  capacity  of  individuals  and  communities  to determine actively its own future. Actualization of democratic precepts in the public services delivery in Indonesia starting point on the importance of community participation ranging from formulating criteria for the services, how the delivery   of the services, arranging each engagement, public complaints mechanism set up   by the monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of the public services in order to co-together build a commitment to create quality of the public services. It’s all been contained in the Law 25 of 2009 on Public Services, certainly it has been based on the precepts of the democracy of Pancasila. Rembug of the public services as an actualization of the public services based on the democracy of Pancasila.


2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (575) ◽  
pp. 860-891
Author(s):  
Ian Cawood

Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-63
Author(s):  
Ingrid Nielsen ◽  
Russell Smyth

Existing studies for the United States examine the extent to which the public is knowledgeable about US courts, arguing that knowledge of the courts is linked to public support for their role. We know little, though, about the Australian public’s awareness of the High Court of Australia. We report the results of a survey of a representative sample of the Australian adult population, administered in November 2017. We find that few Australians know the names of the Justices, the number of Justices on the Court, how the Justices are appointed or for how long they serve. Awareness of recent cases decided by the Court is mixed. We find that age and education are better predictors of awareness levels than is gender. Our findings are important because in the absence of awareness of the High Court, the potential exists for the public to see the Court as having a more overt political role than it has, which may lower esteem for the Court. The potential for this to occur is exacerbated if, and when, politicians attempt to drag the High Court into the political fray, by attributing political motives to it that it does not have.


1999 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-63
Author(s):  

AbstractThis article examines the constitutional and international law aspects of accommodating national identity in the historical process from Yugoslavia to Bosnia. Broad strategies to deal with crises are outlined. Detailed consideration is given to the whole range of international legal responses to the conflict in Yugoslavia, which were deployed in the pursuit of accommodating national identity. The Dayton Peace Agreement of November 1995, which included a Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina and an Agreement on Human Rights, is analyzed. Particular attention is given to the 'internationalizing' of the Constitution of Bosnia in terms of its making, its terms and its implementation. The article contains an assessment of the implementation and of the significance of the Dayton Agreement three years on. The concluding sections provide an overall assessment of the international responses and consider future strategies for accommodating national identity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. e50753
Author(s):  
Carlos Frederico Domínguez Ávila

O artigo explora a evolução recente dos Direitos Humanos, da Cidadania e da Violência, e seus impactos na qualidade da democracia no Brasil. São utilizadas como unidades de análise três conjuntos de tópicos: a dignidade pessoal, os direitos civis, e os direitos políticos. Em geral, constata-se a existência de uma distância considerável entre a proclamação normativa desses Direitos Humanos no sistema legal, de um lado, e a efetiva promoção e execução desses direitos básicos na realidade política e social do Brasil.Palavras-chave: Direitos Humanos; Qualidade da Democracia; Brasil.ABSTRACTThe paper explores the evolution of Human Rights, Citizenship and Violence, and their impacts in the study of democratic quality in Brazil. It is used three set of basic rights as topics for research: the personal dignity, the civil rights, and the political rights. At the end, it is noted some distance between the existence of opportunities for Human Rights in the legal system of the country and the actual guarantee of those set of basic rights in the political and social Brazilian reality.Keywords: Human Rights; the Quality of Democracy; Brazil. Recebido em: 30 de Março 2020.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


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