Exploring Emerging Latin America: Implications for German Companies Using Spain as a Springboard Country

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 993-1009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohit Subhash Prabhudesai ◽  
Ch V V S N V Prasad ◽  
Boon Chuan Ang

This article seeks to determine the means by which European companies can make use of Latin European countries as a springboard to emerging markets in Latin America. For the sake of this study, Germany and Spain were used as the European and springboard countries, respectively. Cultural issues experienced by German companies in Asia have made it imperative for them to explore alternative emerging economies, such as Latin American countries. However, Latin America represents an equally risky opportunity through direct market entry owing to the cultural gap across the two regions. Given the interactions between members of the European Union and the cultural similarities between Spain and Latin America, the hypothesis of former being a cultural bridge was tested. The qualitative and quantitative cultural parameters across Germany, Spain and Latin America were compared and results showed that Spanish cultural experience can bridge the German–Latin American cultural gap.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (Extra-B) ◽  
pp. 297-304
Author(s):  
Elizaveta Andreevna Vinogradova ◽  
Marina Vladimirovna Kuznetsova

Nowadays the globalized world faces new challenges, for instance, trade and economic contradictions between the main actors of the world politics (the USA and China, the USA and the EU). Amid this situation, Latin America could play the card, add momentum to the cross-regional contacts and considerably benefit from it. Fostering relations with the EU serves the national interests of Latin American countries, since the EU investment and technologies can be the tools to modernize the economy. The EU is the leader in implementing harmonization between regions. The relations between the EU and Latin America can be considered as a model of hybrid interregionalism. While bilateral relations or the ties of the EU with subregional integration associations remain strong, the relations between the EU and the entire Latin American and the Caribbean (LAC) region are still underdeveloped, and countries have been trying to rectify it recently.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Feline Freier ◽  
Jean-Pierre Gauci

Abstract The office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has identified a number of legislative good practices in Latin American asylum and refugee laws. At the same time, academics and policy-makers have long called for cross-regional comparative analyses of policies and laws to allow different regions to learn from each other’s best practices. In this article, we compare refugee legislations of Latin American countries with European Union protection standards based on UNHCR’s legislative good practices across three areas: (i) Core Principles and Scope of Protection; (ii) Procedural Safeguards and Guarantees for Vulnerable Groups; and (iii) Integration. We find that six of 19 refugee laws in Latin America provide more expansive protection than the Common European Asylum System framework, whereas other Latin American countries fall behind. The gap between Latin American legislations and European Union protection standards is closer regarding procedural safeguards, the protection of vulnerable groups, and integration provisions. Finally, Latin American countries, on average, score significantly below the European Union regarding the core principles of asylum and the scope of protection. In the second part of the article, we engage in a qualitative discussion of these legislative good practices to allow for cross-fertilization, and deliver policy recommendations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
T Dorlach

Abstract Over the last decade, Latin American countries have become leaders in the emerging policy field of front-of-pack nutrition labelling (FOPNL). Recommended by public health experts and the World Health Organization, FOPNL regulations seek to improve the healthiness of population diets and thereby reduce the incidence of overweight and obesity and associated non-communicable diseases, such as diabetes, cancer, and heart diseases. In 2011, Chile passed the world's first comprehensive nutrition labelling law and now prohibits school sales and daytime advertisement of any product labeled “high in” sugar, salt, saturated fats, or calories. Ecuador introduced a mandatory traffic-light labelling scheme in 2014, while Peru, Uruguay, and Mexico introduced Chile-style warning labels since 2018. Several other Latin American countries, including Argentina and Brazil, are currently debating the introduction of mandatory front-of-pack warning labels. In contrast, most countries in the Global North have so far failed to introduce mandatory FOPNL and the European Union even banned its member states from doing so in 2011. This presentation will trace and explain this emergence of FOPNL in Latin America.


Author(s):  
Stephany Griffith-Jones ◽  
Bettina De Souza Guilherme

AbstractThis book is the result of the first 3 years of the comparative and multidisciplinary Jean Monnet Network, “Crisis-Equity-Democracy for Europe and Latin America”, of senior academics and policy advisors from four European and three Latin American countries, including experts on the European Union and Latin American regionalism. The rationale of the project and the common link is that both Europe and Latin America can learn from their respective experiences on “crisis”, its management and the distributive and democratic implications at national and regional level. The main purposes of the joint research can be summarised as to (1) locate in the current global financial system as one of the very major causes of the financial and debt crises in the EU and Latin America; (2) demonstrate the impact of the paradigm change on global and EU economic governance; (3) analyse key systemic aspects of the global crisis, i.e. climate change, macro-financial instability and the weakening of democracy and their inter-connections; (4) map and evaluate how both regions and individual countries within both regions have tried to manage these crises; (5) discuss the economic, political and social effects of these crises on both regions and individual countries; (6) finally, to make policy suggestions on how to transition from finance capitalism to a more sustainable real capitalism, on how both regions can better manage/govern/respond to such systemic pressures and on how they can increase their cooperation.


2016 ◽  
pp. 94-106
Author(s):  
Irina Kireeva

The article analyses extraregional aspects of Uruguay’s foreign policy during the presidency of José Mujica (2010-2015), namely the development of relations between Uruguay and the USA, the European Union, Russia and countries of Asia and Middle East such as China, India, Iran, Palestine and Israel. This aspect of Uruguayan foreign policy is particularly relevant amid the crisis in Mercosur, when Uruguay is trying to mitigate its adverse consequences for the country’s economy by expanding trade ties with the other countries, both within Latin America and beyond it. The relations between Uruguay and Latin American countries are touched upon in some investigations while Uruguay’s active foreign policy in other regions isn’t studied at all


Author(s):  
Javier Cifuentes-Faura

The pandemic caused by COVID-19 has left millions infected and dead around the world, with Latin America being one of the most affected areas. In this work, we have sought to determine, by means of a multiple regression analysis and a study of correlations, the influence of population density, life expectancy, and proportion of the population in vulnerable employment, together with GDP per capita, on the mortality rate due to COVID-19 in Latin American countries. The results indicated that countries with higher population density had lower numbers of deaths. Population in vulnerable employment and GDP showed a positive influence, while life expectancy did not appear to significantly affect the number of COVID-19 deaths. In addition, the influence of these variables on the number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 was analyzed. It can be concluded that the lack of resources can be a major burden for the vulnerable population in combating COVID-19 and that population density can ensure better designed institutions and quality infrastructure to achieve social distancing and, together with effective measures, lower death rates.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nubia Muñoz

It is too early to know which will be the final death toll from the Covid-19 or SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemy in Latin America since the epidemy is still active and we will not know when it will end. The curve for new infections and deaths has not reached yet a peak (Figure 1). In addition, we know little about the epidemiology of this new virus. The daily litany of the number of people infected with the number of admissions to hospitals and intensive care units and the number of deaths guides health authorities to plan health services and politicians to gauge the degree of confinement necessary to control the transmission of the virus, but it says little about the magnitude of the problem if we do not relate it to the population at risk. At the end of the pandemic, we will be able to estimate age-standardized death rates for the different countries, but until then the crude death rates will provide a first glance or snapshot of the death toll and impact of the pandemic from March to May 2020. These rates are well below those estimated in other countries in Europe and North America: Belgium (82.6), Spain (58.0), the United Kingdom (57.5), Italy (55.0), France (42.9), Sweden (41.4), and the US (30.7). (Johns Hopkins CSSE, May 30, 2020). However, in the European countries and the US the number of deaths has reached a peak, while this is not the case in Latin American countries. (Figure 1). It should be taken into account that the above rates are crude and therefore, some of the differences could be due to the fact that European countries have a larger proportion of the population over 70 years of age in whom higher mortality rates have been reported.


1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro C. M. Teichert

The Cuban revolution has profoundly shaken the economic and political foundation traditional in most of the 20 Latin American republics. The demand by the rest of Latin America for Cuban type reforms has also required a reappraisal of U. S.-Latin American relations, which with the breaking off of diplomatic intercourse between Cuba and the U. S., January 4, 1961, have reached their lowest point since the initiation in the mid 1930's of the Good Neighbor Policy by President Roosevelt. Furthermore, the spread of the Cuban revolution, with its ideals and aspirations for the fulfilment of the age-old political, social, and economic aspirations of the downtrodden masses, is now an imminent threat for the remaining undemocratic Latin American governments. There is no denying the fact that most Latin American countries are still run by an oligarchy of landlords and the military.


1993 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-17
Author(s):  
Alice B. Lentz

Alice Lentz offers a brief view of the role of the Americas Fund for Independent Universities (AFIU) in relation to significant initiatives in various Latin American countries. In a region where the function and development of private higher education institutions is especially important, the focus of the AFIU's activities is on private universities' ability to provide trained business leaders with the skills necessary to meet the challenges of enterprise growth in these developing economies. She mentions in particular the strengthening of financing capabilities within the university, and the evolution of three-way partnerships among business corporations, AFIU, and universities in Latin America.


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