Heterogeneous coalitions and social revolutions

2021 ◽  
pp. 104346312110015
Author(s):  
Ricardo Nieva

We have explained the presence of heterogeneous winning coalitions in social revolutions. In an overcrowded agrarian society, two almost identical non-productive enforcers, the landed political elite, collude and bargain over transfers with one of the two peasants to contest over a piece of land, as property rights for land are not well defined. In any other scenario, neither the grand coalition nor the coalition of two peasants and one enforcer forms, thereby deposing the other enforcer with positive probability. So, social revolutions never occur. If foreign wars weaken an enforcer, such as in China (1911), France, and Russia, adding one unit of capital makes the coalition of the peasant, the now worker, and one of the enforcers (now an industrial political elite) attractive: The excess labor can work with it; the weaker enforcer retaliates less and the stronger one more, if excluded. However, if the weaker one (the still-landed political elite) proposes first, a grand coalition forms in which he or she gets less than the other members do (desertion). There is conflict among peasants and among landed elites; thus, the concept of a coalition is more appropriate than that of a class.

2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margaret Beukes

When the idea of heritage conservation arises, one specific facet of the ensuing reflection is bound to emerge at some stage: the (inevitable) tension between property rights, on the one hand, and the right to culture (of which heritage conservation is an aspect), on the other. This tension intensifies when the cultural material to be conserved concerns a traditionally sensitive issue—that of the burial places of the ancestors of people designated in the South African context as previously disadvantaged.


1999 ◽  
Vol 24 (04) ◽  
pp. 807-852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Banner

If we use the word land to refer to the physical substance, and reserve the word property for the intellectual apparatus that organizes rights to use land, we can say that in colonial New Zealand, the British and the Maori overlaid two dissimilar systems of property on the same land. That difference in legal thought structured each side's perception of what the other was doing, in ways that illustrate unusually clearly the power of law to organize our awareness of phenomena before they reach the level of consciousness. Over the course of the nineteenth century, as the balance of power gradually swung to the side of the British, they were largely able to impose their property system on the Maori. The centrality of property within the thought of both peoples, however, meant that the transformation of Maori into English property rights involved much more than land. Religious belief, engagement with the market economy, political organization—all were bound up in the systems by which both peoples organized property rights in land. To anglicize the Maori property system was to revolutionize Maori life.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62
Author(s):  
Herwig Reynaert

From the analysis of the social background of the local elected people in Flanders during the period 1946-1988 one can conclude that there are barriers for women, lower social classes and certain age categories preventing them from moving up the local political elite. The democratization process of the Flemish local political elite bas not yet made much progress. It appears from the fact that men are more numerous in political fonctions, that the distribution among the various professional categories strongly deviates from the general social stratification and from the conclusion that certain age categories are clearly dominant. It is however clear that the composition of the elites neverfully reflect society as a whole. On the other hand, the important fact is that the differences cannot be reduced to smaller variances which inevitably go together with any representative system.


Author(s):  
Bernhard Schima

Article 229a EC Without prejudice to the other provisions of the Treaties, the Council, acting unanimously in accordance with a special legislative procedure and after consulting the European Parliament, may adopt provisions to confer jurisdiction, to the extent that it shall determine, on the Court of Justice of the European Union in disputes relating to the application of acts adopted on the basis of the Treaties which create European intellectual property rights. These provisions shall enter into force after their approval by the Member States in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 270-280
Author(s):  
David E. S. Beek

Abstract Faulkner’s The Reivers exemplifies the Quixotic Picaresque-a conflation of the narrative modes exhibited in Lazarillo de Tormes and Miguel de Cervantes’s Don Quixote. This essay explores the correlation between Spain’s transition from feudalism to a modern mercantile society and the United States’ transition from an agrarian society based on slavery to a modern industrial nation within the cultural contexts of these novels. In each of these works, a series of trickster figures undertake performative acts of deception, particularly the masking tradition of Carnival, in order to endure the hardships of modernity. However, whereas most tricksters tend to be solely focused on pragmatic individual objectives, quixotic pícaros maintain a sense of idealism that leads them to consider the Other and thus act in the name of communal prosperity. These selfless tricksters meta-theatrically parody the generic social conventions in which they reside in order to subvert the hegemony that seeks to oppress and marginalise them and fellow members of their communities. In performing an array of identities and social roles, these quixotic pícaros contribute to the opacity of modern multicultural nation-states, and thus, disrupt all social hierarchies leading to the regeneration of the public body, mobility, and a more utopian world.


1983 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Bartoszyński ◽  
Prem S. Puri

The processes X and Y are said to interact if the laws governing the changes of either of them at time t depend on the values of the other process at times up to t. For bivariate interacting Markov processes, their limiting behavior is analysed by means of an approximation suggested by Fuhrmann, consisting of discretizing time, and assuming that in each time interval the processes develop independently, according to the laws obtained by fixing the value of the other process at its level attained at the beginning of the interval.In this way the conditions for almost sure extinction, escape to ∞ with positive probability, etc., are obtained (by using the martingale convergence theorem) for state-dependent branching processes studied by Roi, and for bivariate processes with one component piecewise determined.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Badran

AbstractTo maintain political stability and to preserve the plurality and the diversity that characterise its societies, consociational democracies require, more than other states, a grand coalition government. In this type of democracy, the grand coalition is not a model that is used in exceptional cases, as in majoritarian democracies. It is a deliberate and permanent political choice. In Lebanon, following the modifications implemented by the 1989 Ṭā’if Accord, the Constitution instituted a collegial power-sharing within the executive that implies the establishment of a grand coalition which enables the political participation of the main Lebanese religious confessions in the government. On the other hand, the formation of the Lebanese Council of ministers since the spring of 2005 has become increasingly difficult and coalitions are often less stable than in the past. These laborious negotiations for unstable governmental coalitions are especially problematic in what may be called the perversion of the constitutional procedure by leaders of the parliamentary blocs.


2004 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-573
Author(s):  
James R. Stoner

It was not the exquisite self-consciousness of a Henry James that I had in mind when I wondered about equality and hierarchy in Locke, but the assertive self-consciousness or—what is for Locke ultimately the same—self-interestedness of an Andrew Carnegie, as exemplified both in the acquisition and the dispersion of his fortune. After all, it was Locke's genius in chapter five of the Second Treatise to make the case for private property on different grounds than had Aristotle because he conceived of property in a different way: as the fruit, not of nature, but of human creativity, less interesting for its use in leisure than for its origin in labor. As Strauss and even Zuckert have suggested, the brilliance of Locke's argument does not eclipse its underlying contradiction, that on the one hand the initial right to acquire seems to depend on there being “enough and as good” left for others, as though man lived amidst natural plenty, while on the other hand the account of the progressive rise in value consequent to enclosure (and the post hoc justification for property rights that it implies) describes natural scarcity. Holding that “a man may deliberately contradict himself in order to indicate his thought rather than to reveal it,” Strauss takes Locke's “revolutionary” teaching about “‘dynamic’ property” to indicate his true intention:


Author(s):  
Óscar Correas

El estudio de las comunidades indígenas en la búsqueda de la descripción de sus sistemas normativos, en México, al menos, muestra que el tema de la propiedad es central para entender el contenido de estos sistemas. El pensamiento antropológico, en cambio, dejando de lado la estructura social, en este caso la no propiedad sobre la tierra, quiere encontrar la explicación de la normatividad propia de esas comunidades en el sentimiento de pertenencia a la comunidad. El análisis de las normas relacionadas con el control sobre la tierra muestra que ese sentimiento comunitario tiene que ser explicado al mismo tiempo, y eso solo puede hacerse a partir del estudio de las relaciones sociales propias de una sociedad agraria no capitalista. Por otra parte, no cabe dejar de decirse que el contenido de la normatividad comunitaria es lo que explica la pervivencia de la comunidad, y de igual manera explica la terquedad y la fuerza conque los sabios de esas sociedades insisten en la conservación de su modo de vida —es decir, de sus normas— para reproducirse como comunidades que intentan pervivir al margen de la sociedad capitalista, a la cual ven como enemiga de esa pervivencia. En suma, la propuesta dice: no se puede explicar el contenido de las normas observadas en las comunidades sin recurrir a las formas de control sobre la tierra. La actitud comunitaria, ese sentimiento de pertenencia, es una necesidad en orden con la reproducción de su vida, determinada primordialmente por el control sobre la tierra.   ABSTRACT The study of indigenous communities in the search to describe their normative systems, in Mexico at least, illustrates that the issue of property is central to understanding the content of these systems. Anthropological thought, on the other hand, leaving aside social structure, in this case non-ownership of land, wants to find the explanation of the particular type of regulation of these communities in “the sense of community belonging.” Analysis of the norms related to control over land illustrates that this community feeling must be explained at the same time, and that can only be done based on study of the particular social relations of a non-capitalist agrarian society. On the other hand, it cannot be emphasized enough that the content of community regulatory norms is what explains the survival of the community, and in the same manner explains the stubbornness and strength with which the wise persons of these societies insist on conserving their way of life —in other words, their norms— to reproduce themselves as communities intending to survive outside capitalist society, which they see as an enemy to that survival. In summary, the proposal states that the content of the norms observed in these communities cannot be explained without addressing the forms of control over land. The community attitude, that sense of belonging, is a necessity for the reproduction of their lives, primarily determined by control over land.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Indirani Wauran-Wicaksono

<p><strong>Abstrak</strong><br />Hak Kekayaan Intelektual memberikan kewenangan hukum kepada seseorang untuk<br />mendapat keuntungan dari karya intelektual yang diciptakan. Hal ini berimplikasi pihak<br />lain, yang tanpa persetujuan, tidak diperbolehkan untuk mengambil keuntungan dari<br />sebuah karya intelektual. Pengambilan keuntungan berarti mengambil sesuatu, di mana<br />sesuatu tersebut berada dalam hukum sipil yang dikenal dengan properti. Artikel ini<br />menyelidiki kembali perlindungan dasar hak kekayaan intelektual untuk memberikan<br />justifikasi bahwa hak kekayaan intelektual adalah ‘properti’ yang memiliki sifat dasar<br />properti dan faktanya obyek properti memiliki hak milik.<br /><br /></p><p><em><strong>Abstract</strong></em><br />Intellectual Property Rights provides legal authority for a person to reap the rewards of<br />the intellectual work produced. This has a consequence that the other party without consent<br />must not take advantage of an intellectual work. Reap the rewards of means to take<br />something, which in civil law is known as the property. This article retraces the basic<br />protection of intellectual property rights to provide justification that intellectual property<br />rights are ‘a property’ that has the nature of properties and in fact, is the object of property<br />that has proprietary rights.</p>


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