Media Effects on Changes in Attitudes Toward the Rights of Young People

1973 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serena E. Wade

Respondents who knew, through media, of change in voting regulations changed more in willingness to allow youth to participate in political activities.

2014 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanja Storsul

Abstract This article presents a study of how politically engaged young people use social media for political purposes. There has been a growing optimism that social media can stimulate political participation and deliberation, especially among young people. Based on focus group interviews with Norwegian teenagers, the article argues that social media have become an important platform for young people to participate in political activities. Whether the purpose is internal meetings or external mobilization, social media provide platforms for planning, reporting and communicating political activities. At the same time, politically engaged young people are hesitant about using social media for political deliberation. They are concerned about how they present themselves, and they are reluctant to stand out as highly political. One important explanation for this is that social media integrate different forms of communication and collapse social contexts. This causes teenagers to delimit controversies and try to keep political discussions to groups with more segregated audiences.


2020 ◽  
Vol XI (1 (30)) ◽  
pp. 139-162
Author(s):  
Filip Nalaskowski ◽  
Dagna Dejna

The phenomenon of the „Third Wave", which is a reborn of civic activity among a youth and social inclusion of young Poles is widely descripted from the historical perspective. In the beginning the historical overview focuses on the "First Wave", - the period between 1945 and 1989, where the involvement of young people in social and political activities was mainly confrontational. The very first thought we have when it comes to the political and social activities of the emerging generation in post-war Poland are not a pro-systemic but anti-systemic activities. First of all the year 1968 - identified as the beginning of the large-scale opposition movement of the People's Republic of Poland. The "Second Wave" is the generation crossing a borderline of 1989 as a children and youth. In general, it can be assumed that they were born between 1970 and 1985. The youngsters in this Wave were openly not-interested in the politics (ex. the record breaking low rate of participation in elections); disappointed with III RP, frustrated with a great social problems (unemployment, scandals on a large scale) were rather focused on personal and social issues on a micro scale (WOŚP, partys' youth wings). The "Third Wave"- the period we are witnessing, is a dawn of youth activity. We are just at the beginning of the rising curve, which shows the a rise of active civic attitude among young people. The phenomenon of this rebirth, inclusion, is the result of several factors, which are a subject of article are presented in detail. We are witnessing a great increase in the activity of young people, the demonstration of their power, the efficiency, and the influence. Its direction and force depend strongly on current trends, popularity and communication skills. The young Poles and theirs mood are the main factors which are choosing the members of The Polish Parliament, creating a demand for products and creating cultural phenomena. The Internet has become a land of communication and organization of young people's activities. In the article, the reader will find detailed reconstructions of the most important and popular activities of young Poles, the "Third Wave", their interpretation and explanations.


Author(s):  
Malin Sveningsson

Western democracies have seen a decrease in political participation, with young people singled out as the most problematic group. But young people are also the most avid users of online media. It has therefore been argued that online media could be used to evoke their interest in politics, and thus contribute to the reinvigoration of democratic citizenship. Using a mixed qualitative methods approach, this article takes a closer look at 26 young Swedes’ experiences and understandings of social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, as used for political discussions. Compared to the average Swedish 17 to 18-year-olds, the participants are relatively interested in civic and political questions. By focusing on this segment, the article mirrors the experiences of an understudied group – young people who are interested in politics but not engaged. The participants were skeptical about social media as used in relation to politics, and expressed doubts about their suitability and usefulness. Four themes were identified, where three have to do with perceived risks: for conflict, misunderstandings and deceit. The participants also expressed the idea of online political activities as being less authentic than their offline equivalents. The idea that young people want and expect something that political organizations cannot live up to is one of the most dominant discourses that characterize the discussion on youth political participation today. However, while some properties of social media fit well into what young people have been found to prefer, for the participants, negative traits seem to outweigh the positive ones, thus discouraging them from participating.


Studying the reasons for youth political participation, and how young people get involved in political activities is an important issue for both developed and developing countries. Research in this area started from general tendencies and then moved to specific country factors. The purpose of this research is to determine the relationship, in Russia, between participation in voluntary associations during education and political participation during adulthood. Previously, there was no research in this field for Russia. In the research non-parametric tests for K independent samples, descriptive statistics, logistical regression, and factor analysis were applied. The main data source is the Russia Longitudinal Monitoring Survey. The key result is that involvement in voluntary associations during education, especially in political ones, positively affects future youth political participation. Education and income also have positive effects. Russia is generally similar to other countries, including developed, developing, and post-soviet ones. In post-soviet countries, the key interdependencies are similar to Russia, but not so clearly expressed. In Russia, employed young people vote with less probability than unemployed ones, whereas in Belarus we see the opposite.


2009 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Brooks

There is now widespread recognition that, far from being politically apathetic, young people across Europe are engaged in a wide range of ‘political’ activities. While turnout at national and European elections among the 18-25 age group may be low, researchers have highlighted diverse and creative new forms of political participation. In relation to young women, in particular, Harris (2005) has presented a compelling analysis of the new ‘borderspaces’ opened up between public and private domains by young women through the use of new technologies. She contends that in the face of greater surveillance and regulation brought about by the shift to neo-liberal forms of governmentality, carving out a protected space for oneself is a political act, in itself. Moreover, the creative ways in which young women across the world use such spaces – to question dominant narratives about the nature of contemporary girlhood, to resist discourses which construct young women as merely passive consumers, and to trouble conventional notions of ‘youth participation’ – are highly political. Some EU representatives have indicated an awareness of these new forms of engagement and professed a desire to develop links between them and more traditional forms of party politics and policy making (Hoskins, 2005). Nevertheless, the degree to which these sentiments have been translated into policy remains unclear. This article draws on recent documents on young people, citizenship and political participation to assess the extent to which these new spaces of young women's politics are, firstly, recognised and, secondly, valued within EU policy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktoria Spaiser

This paper discusses the results of research on young immigrants’ political participation on the Internet in Germany. The research focuses on young people from Turkish and East European backgrounds. The interrelation between offline political activities and online political participation is explained and the differences between the two groups are examined. While young German Turks are particularly politically active Internet users, young German East Europeans are rather hesitant about using the Internet for political purposes. Statistical models show that young German Turks’ political Internet use is motivated by grievances, while young German East Europeans’ political Internet use is motivated by sentimental pessimism and world-weariness.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-109
Author(s):  
Satriono Priyo Utomo

The history of the Indonesian youth political movement in 1928 not only inherited national politics with the ties of "imagine of Indonesia" as a homeland, nation and language, namely Indonesia. But it also gave birth to the view that youth is the core of change. This view became the belief of Indonesian youth in the 1940s to be involved in the revolutionary wave of "imagine of Indonesia" in a more critical and progressive manner in political actions. This paper aims to explain youth activism in Jakarta around a more advanced proclamation, accelerating from national politics to populist politics. There were two strongest youth node organizations in Jakarta at that time, Asrama Menteng Raya 31 and Prapatan 10. Both of them brought together young people from different ethnic and national backgrounds. But the youth political movement in the 1940s had a more populist political tone with its political activities carrying out political education work in order to mobilize people's awareness of the struggle for independence. Then the youth in Jakarta formed an organizational node called the Angkatan Pemuda Indonesia (API), which contributed to the historical events of the grand meeting at Ikada Square on September 19, 1945. Where Sukarno spoke as President of Indonesia for the first time in front of a mass mobilized by youth after the reading of the proclamation on August 17, 1945.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
M. V. Kibakin

The essence of Webometrics as a sociological method of collecting primary material by studying the content of content, services and the convenience of technological solutions for accessing it by users has been revealed in the article. A justification for the need to develop digital technologies for social diagnostics using webometric indicators has been provided. Based on the analysis of scientific sources on the problem, the significant potential of Webometrics in the study of various aspects of scientific, educational, and political activities, as well as its universal character as a methodological tool have been shown.A refined concept of Webometrics as a method of collecting primary sociological data has been given, the possibility of using it to study Internet content has been described. The rules and conditions for effective use of Webometrics have been substantiated, based on the usage of content analysis methods and procedures for the development of its forms; to include usability and visibility in the analysis of technological characteristics of Internet portals; to make the research parameters used reliable by separating them from official documents of state policy and corporate strategies; to combine traditional methods of fixing primary data and computer algorithms. A specific webometric technique has been revealed in detail, which implies fixing the formal status of the Internet source under study, the content parameters of information representation of information about the implementation of state policy on the example of working with young people, the availability of services, as well as indicators of the site’s technology and ease of access to it by the population. An example of obtaining data on the basis of Webometrics, as well as its interpretation has been given.Based on the data obtained, an analysis of the combination of traditional and modern interactive services, which are currently presented on official websites, has been made, the shortcomings of the existing situation for effective information policy in the field of work with young people have been shown. It has been concluded about the relevance of webometric methods and the great potential for their development within the framework of digital sociology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 205630512110597
Author(s):  
Andrés Scherman ◽  
Sebastian Rivera

In this article, we explore the relationship between social media use and participation in protests in Chile. In October 2019, Chile faced the most massive protests since the country’s return to democracy. Due to its magnitude, the media and analysts refer to this process as the “social outburst.” Although these protests engaged broad sectors of the population, most of the protesters were young people. Using a probabilistic and face-to-face survey applied to young people aged 18-29 years, we find that the only social media platform associated with participation in protests was Facebook. Our analysis also shows the importance of the specific activities that people engage in social media. Taking part in political activities on social media is strongly associated with attending protests but using social media platforms to get information or share common interests with other users is not. Furthermore, we examine whether social media has an indirect impact on participation through interpersonal conversation. The results show that Instagram—one of the most popular social media platforms among young Chileans—spurs interpersonal conversation, which in turn increases the likelihood of participating in protests. Our findings suggest that social media still plays a role in shaping people’s political behavior despite changes in the social media environment and in social media consumption patterns.


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