Deliberative Negotiation

2018 ◽  
pp. 727-741
Author(s):  
Daniel Naurin ◽  
Christine Reh
Keyword(s):  
Social Context ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Respect ◽  
Formal Institutions ◽  
Process And Outcome ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Do So

This chapter addresses three questions: What is deliberative negotiation? How can deliberative negotiation be achieved? What does deliberative negotiation do? First, deliberative negotiation is a communication process that contributes to reaching binding decisions in democratic politics, and is characterized by justification, mutual respect, and the absence of coercion. Second, three sets of conditions—related to 1) formal institutions, 2) social context, 3) issue characteristics—conduce “deliberative moments” in a negotiation. The chapter illustrates how these conditions work, with a focus on EU negotiations. Third, we explore the impact of deliberative negotiation on delivering outcomes tout court (e.g. by offering solutions to the negotiators’ dilemma) and on producing “better” outcomes (e.g. by increasing the likelihood of overall preference satisfaction). The chapter concludes that both the process and outcome of deliberative negotiation can instil legitimacy even when other aspects of a negotiation (or of the political system itself) struggle to do so.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

Democracy and Political Culture

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.

Back to the Westminster model? The Brexit process and the UK political system

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Quantitative Indicators ◽  
The Impact

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.

Political inclusion in unstable contexts: Muqtada al-Sadr and Iraq's Sadrist Movement

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew J. Godwin
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Group A ◽  
Political Inclusion ◽  
The Impact

Nearly all scholarship on radical political movements suggests that participation in formal politics will lead to moderation. Yet Iraq's Sadrist Movement, the Shi'a Islamist group headed by Muqtada al-Sadr, defies the widespread assumption that political inclusion leads to moderation by giving a group a greater stake in the system. This paper will examine the Sadrist Movement to explore the impact of unstable security conditions on the calculations and actions of political movements. In late 2004, the Sadrist Movement recognized the legitimacy of the Iraqi state, ceased using violence and entered electoral politics. The literature suggests that the Sadrist Movement should have continued to moderate in response to further political and material incentives. However, in 2006 the Sadrists returned to violence and grew increasingly hostile toward democratic politics. Why did the Sadrist Movement reverse course in this manner? This work argues that unstable environments, such as that of post-2003 Iraq, can cause parties to reject the incentives of inclusion within the state political system.

Social Imperialism and Wilhelmine Germany

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Interpretive Scheme

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.

The Impact of Political Violence on Mild Psychiatric Morbidity in Northern Ireland

1984 ◽  
Vol 145 (6) ◽  
pp. 631-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ed Cairns ◽  
Ronnie Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Community Sample ◽  
General Health Questionnaire ◽  
Psychiatric Morbidity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Drug Prescribing ◽  
Admission Rates ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Do So

SummaryEvidence concerning the impact of the violence in Northern Ireland on psychiatric morbidity is limited to studies examining admission rates and psychotropic drug prescribing rates; their results varied from suggesting no effect to indicating that greater levels of violence are actually equated with higher levels of mental health. The present study is the first to use a community sample, in which respondents (797) from two towns, which have experienced contrasting levels of violence over the last ten years, completed the 30-item version of the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ), and also indicated their perception of the level of violence in their area and how safe they felt this was to live in. Those who lived in the more violent town scored higher on the GHQ, as did women compared to men and those who perceived that their area had experienced more violence. There was also a two-way interaction, such that the small number of people, who perceived much violence in their area and who also lived in the more violent town, scored more highly on the GHQ. It is possible that the majority of people in Northern Ireland deal effectively with stress generated by the political violence, but do so by denying the existence of this violence around them.

The Impact of African States on the United Nations

1969 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Kay
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Stable Pattern ◽  
Stage Of Development ◽  
External Pressures ◽  
The Face ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Impact

The United Nations at its present stage of development is a political system of formally coordinate Members, each able to place before the Organization the demands that flow from its own environment. One can hypothesize that a stable environment will yield a stable pattern of demands on the United Nations political system. Similarly it can be hypothesized that a change in the environment—the major components of which are the Member States—will change the pattern of demands made on the political system of the Organization. It is on just such a change that this article proposes to focus. In the period between 1955 and the end of 1968, 37 African states, largely devoid of experience in the contemporary international arena and struggling with the multitudinous problems of fashioning coherent national entities in the face of both internal and external pressures, joined the United Nations. The admission of these states substantially altered the Organization's environment and the demands being made upon it. It is suggested here that these changes have been so substantial as to alter the nature of the political process of the Organization. Concern will be focused successively upon the nature of the entry of the African states into the United Nations, a determination of the areas in which the African states have made demands upon the system, the constitutional structure of the Organization as it has evolved under the impact of the African states, the impact of the African states on the handling of major issues, and finally on trends and implications of the role of African states in the United Nations.

scholarly journals Political culture as a factor of civilized lobbying establishment in contemporary Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-150
Author(s):  
N. V. Karpova
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Legal Foundations ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
Representation Of Interests ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to the study of civilized lobbyism formation in contemporary Russia in the context of the political culture peculiarities. The author explains the use of the concept of “civilized lobbyism” from the standpoint of the presence of various interpretations of lobbying in political science, which prevents a clear separation of legitimate and illegitimate forms of interests’ representation, while the object of research is primarily the legal technologies of influence on power. Political culture is regarded as one of the subjective factors determining the functioning of the mechanisms of interests’ representation in the political system, as well as the specifics of lobbying activities in each particular state. The influence of political culture on the process of lobbying in Russia is analyzed not only at the level of political orientations and behavior of individuals and groups, but also at the level of institutional structures. To study the impact of the political culture on the formation of social practices of lobbying, the author refers to the institutional concept of D. North, in which the mechanism of functioning of social and political institutions is revealed through the correlation of formal and informal rules, norms, attitudes and behaviours. In the context of the development of the democratic representation of interests in contemporary Russia particular attention is given to the problem of preserving and dominating historically established authoritarian orientations in the relations of society and power, as well as the traditions of paternalism and clientellism. However, the author believes that it is not correct to reduce the influence from the political culture mostly to the national traditions. It is concluded that the fundamental condition for the development of civilized lobbying in present day Russia is the is the parallel formation of legal foundations and the corresponding matrix of political culture, both at the level of subjects of lobbying relations and at the level of interests’ representation institutions.

POLITICAL YEAR OF "SERVANTS OF THE PEOPLE". MAIN TRENDS OF DOMESTIC POLITICAL LIFE IN UKRAINE

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-88
Author(s):  
Alexandr V. Guschin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Personnel Policy ◽  
Radical Reform ◽  
The People ◽  
The Impact

The article is devoted to the analysis of the main trends in the internal political development of Ukraine within the year since coming to power of President Vladimir Zelensky and the “Servant of the People” party. The author identifies key factors contributing to the recessionary trends in the work of the Executive and Legislative branches of government, examines the main shortcomings of the personnel policy of the new authorities, analyzes the possibility of the collapse of the parliamentary majority, characterizes the problem of a drop in the ratings of the current government and the growth of sympathy for the opposition parties among voters of the party “Servant of the People”, provides a forecast of a possible electoral scenario in the local elections in the autumn of 2020, considering the impact of the coronavirus epidemic in the political life of the country. Special attention is paid to the confrontation between local and central authorities, as well as to the problem of regionalization of Ukraine, taking into account the risk of its transition to an uncontrolled state. The author concludes that, although the Ukrainian authorities have managed to achieve certain tactical successes, they have not yet managed to systematically strengthen their position in the eyes of the society, or start reformatting the country. Many election promises have not been fulfilled; the government’s initiatives are declarative and do not affect the foundations of the Ukrainian political system, which needs radical reform.

Rebel Groups between Adaptation and Ideological Continuity: The Impact of Sustained Political Participation

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 513-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benedetta Berti
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Institutional Politics ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Governance Practices ◽  
The Impact

The question of how involvement in institutional politics and governance affects rebel groups’ behaviour is pertinent when studying violent non-state actors, both during and in the aftermath of conflict. This is especially the case when participation in the political system becomes sustained over time. The interactions between the political and governance practices of a rebel group and its overall ideological orientation and state-building aspirations are not sufficiently analysed in the literature, especially in the context of hybrid armed-political organizations operating in latent, frozen or protracted conflicts. This article aims to begin to fill this gap by examining how involvement in institutional politics has shaped both Hamas’s and Hezbollah’s branding, interpretation and reliance on their own constitutive ideological manifestos, with an emphasis on both organizations’ dynamic processes aimed at reconciling political participation with their previous ideological rejection of the legitimacy of the political system and their constitutive calls to dramatically restructure the political order. Based on these detailed accounts, this article reflects on how the complex relationship between politics, electoral competition, governance and ideological principles can shape an armed group’s political identity.

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