The epidemiological factor: A genealogy of the link between medicine and politics

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 505-519 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Maureira ◽  
Francisco Tirado ◽  
Pedro Torrejón ◽  
Enrique Baleriola
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Global Institutions ◽  
Contagious Diseases ◽  
Health Concept ◽  
Political Management ◽  
Medical Health ◽  
Complex Relationships ◽  
The 19Th Century

From the beginning of our civilization, the existence of infectious and contagious diseases required a search for solutions for both an individual and medical-health problem, and political interventions that involve a territory and population that must be managed. In this respect, epidemiology constitutes a strategic dimension in analysing the complex relationships established between scientific conduct and the political management of a territory. With this focus, we will provide a short historic genealogy of the links established between medicine and politics in European societies since the 18th century. From this, we should be able to see a movement from the concepts of healthiness/unhealthiness common to the ‘public hygiene’ managed by the 19th-century nation-state, towards the imperative of ‘public health’ operating with the ‘global health’ concept promoted by our current global institutions.

The Public and Economic Activities of the Hִatim Family of Istanbul: A Chapter in the History of the Jewish Leadership in Istanbul and Jerusalem in the 19th Century

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  
Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 19Th Century

This article discusses the biographies and economic and public activities of the Ḥatim family in Istanbul in the late 18th century and throughout the 19th century. Most of the attention is focused on R. Shlomo Ḥatim and his son Yitsḥak, who were members of the Jewish elite in Istanbul and settled in Jerusalem at the ends of their lives. R. Shlomo, who is said to have served the Ottoman authorities in Istanbul, settled in Jerusalem more than ten years before the leaders of the Jewish economic elite in Istanbul were executed in the 1820s. His son, surviving this purge, followed much later, immigrating to Israel in 1846, but died immediately thereafter. This article provides insights into the business activities of the Ḥatim family, as well as the activities of Yitsḥak Ḥatim as an Ottoman official in Istanbul. I also discuss two more generations of this family, considered an elite, privileged one, and that was highly esteemed among well-known rabbis in the Ottoman Empire. I also discuss the ties that developed between the communities of Istanbul and Jerusalem in the first half of the 19th century as a result of initiatives of officials in Istanbul and of immigration from Istanbul to Jerusalem.

Humanitarian Law in armed conflicts: The doctrine and practice of Polish insurgents in the 19th Century

1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (192) ◽  
pp. 128-132
Author(s):  
Remigiusz Bierzanek
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Polish People ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The 19Th Century

Did Poland, whose territory was divided up between Prussia, Russia and Austria at the end of the 18th century and which did not regain its independence until 1918, contribute in the 19th century to the ideas underlying humanitarian law applicable in armed conflicts?The political conditions under which the Polish people were then living, while they devoted all their energies to the fight for independence, encouraged them to study and consider various aspects of wars of national liberation. Their thinking was marked by much originality, with some special characteristics that are worth recalling.

scholarly journals La Antigüedad, ¿virtuosa o esclavista? Un debate de la Ilustración

2017 ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Bernat Montoya Rubio
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
Adam Smith ◽  
Historical Research ◽  
Classical Antiquity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic State ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Ancient Slavery

Resumen: La concepción que actualmente tenemos de la Antigüedad greco-romana, como un período con unas características socio-económicas particulares claramente diferenciadas de la Europa moderna, no se deriva únicamente de los datos aportados por las fuentes y de las investigaciones históricas del siglo XIX. Esta interpretación de la Antigüedad se configura durante la segunda mitad del s. XVIII en estrecha relación con los debates sobre la situación política y económica que caracterizan este período. El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar cómo la dinámica de estos debates afecta a los cambios en la forma de entender la Antigüedad clásica.Palabras clave: Concepción de la Antigüedad, esclavitud antigua, paradigma del humanismo cívico, Pocock, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, Rousseau, MablyAbstract: The current understanding of classical Antiquity, i.e., a period with a number of socio-economical characteristics clearly differentiated from those of Modern Europe, is not solely derived from data provided by Classical texts and the historical research of the 19th century. This interpretation of Antiquity, which appeared during the latter half of the 18th century, bears a close connection to discussions on the political and economic state that characterise the period. The aim of this article is to show the impact of the dynamics of these debates on the changes in the way Classical Antiquity is understood.Key words: Perception of Antiquity, ancient slavery, civic humanist paradigm, Pocock, Montesquieu, Adam Smith, Rousseau, Mably  

scholarly journals About Pan-Scandinavianism. Reference points in the 19th century (1815-1864)

2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mircea-Cristian Ghenghea
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Reference Points ◽  
Good Chance ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Union ◽  
International Context ◽  
The People ◽  
The 19Th Century

At the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th a sense of solidarity shared by the people of the Northern Europe appeared: Pan-Scandinavianism. First it had a certain impact at cultural and spiritual levels. In a narrower sense the term was used when referring to the possibility of creating a political union between the Nordic kingdoms during the middle decades of the 19th century. Although it seemed that the political side of Pan-Scandianvianism had a good chance of accomplishing itself, especially after the Three Years War (1848-1851), the international context from the period that followed did not favour that plan. The collapse of the political Pan-Scandinavianism was in 1864 – the Second Schleswig-Holstein War. Sweden-Norway failed in helping Denmark against Prussia and Austria, despite the fact that King Karl XV was an advocate of Pan-Scandinavianism. Leaving this aspect aside, there were other internal difficulties of the Nordic states that Pan-Scandinavianism had to face, including the emerging nationalism. On a broader view, Pan-Scandinavianism appeared as an opponent of Panslavism and Pangermanism. Thus the dream of a unified Scandinavia was abandoned in the 19th century and Pan-Scandinavianism focused on cultural, scientific and economic cooperation.

History, Politics, and Culture in the Highlands of Northeastern Tanzania

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Thomas Håkansson
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Large Family ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
Northern Tanzania ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
The 19Th Century

The Pangani Valley region in northern Tanzania is dominated by an arc of highlands that stretch from Usambara to Arusha. In this region, ecotonal variations in environments have shaped—and were in turn shaped by—cultural, political, and economic forces. Since the early 18th century three major events and shifts in regional and world systems dynamics affected significant economic and political changes on the highlands. First, the international ivory and slave trade increased in volume and organization; second, this led to an expansion of specialized pastoralism through an increased availability of cattle in the region; and third, at the end of the 19th century the region was included into a colonial state. The populations of the highlands were all organized into patrilineages and patriclans. Sometime in the late 1600s or early 1700s, several of the kinship-based, highland communities developed into chiefdoms of varying sizes and degrees of stratification. The ability of a chief to maintain a rudimentary administration and political power depended on the possession of wealth in the form of livestock, rights in persons, and rights in land. A part of household production in the form of crops, livestock, and beer was transmitted from farmers to chiefs as tribute. The most valued part of the tribute was cattle, which the chief needed to build a large family, to obtain debt-clients, and as gifts to lineage heads and the young men who served as warriors. Thus, the political cohesiveness of chiefdoms was ultimately contingent on the chiefs’ abilities to control the flow of cattle and to supply these to local lineage heads and subchiefs. The political strategies that maintained stratification in the highlands varied between the different areas. On Kilimanjaro, politics among the Chagga was based on marriage arrangements, while in North Pare it was control of land and irrigation that were used for political purposes, and in South Pare and Usambara control over rain-making rituals provided the cultural justification for the centralization of power. Cattle were the main resource for implementing culturally defined political strategies. Their importance was exacerbated during the 19th century when increased political turmoil caused by participation in the coastal trade opened new avenues for access to wealth outside the kinship-based networks. As a result, new actors entered into competition for cattle and political power that resulted in increased tribute demands, as well as raiding and warfare.

scholarly journals FROM TYRANNY TO DESPOTISM: THE ENLIGHTENMENT'S UNENLIGHTENED IMAGE OF THE TURKS

2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asli Çirakman
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
European Experience ◽  
European Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Century Thought

This study aims to examine the way in which European writers of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries represented Ottoman government. The Ottoman Empire had a special place in European experience and thought. The Ottomans were geographically close to Western Europe, yet they were quite apart in culture and religion, a combination that triggered interest in Turkish affairs.1 Particularly important were political affairs. The Ottoman government inspired a variety of opinions among European travelers and thinkers. During the 18th century, the Ottomans lost their image as formidable and eventually ceased to provoke curiosity in the European public. They were no longer dreaded as the “public calamity”; nor were they greatly respected as the “most modern government” on earth. Rather, they were regarded as a dull and backward sort of people. From the 16th century to the 19th century, the European observers employed two similar, yet different, concepts to characterize the government of the Ottoman Empire. The concept of tyranny was widely used during the 16th and 17th centuries, whereas the concept of despotism was used to depict the regime of the Ottomans in the 18th century. The transition from the term “tyranny” to that of “despotism” in the 18th century indicates a radical change in the European images of the Ottoman Empire. Although both of these terms designate corrupt and perverse regimes in Western political thought, a distinction was made between tyranny and despotism, and it mattered crucially which term was applied to the Ottoman state. European observers of the empire gave special meanings to these key concepts over time. “Tyranny” allowed for both positive and negative features, whereas “despotism” had no redeeming features. Early modern Europeans emphasized both admirable and frightening aspects of Ottoman greatness. On the other hand, the concept of despotism was redefined as inherently Oriental in the 18th century and employed to depict the corruption and backwardness of the Ottoman government. This transformation was profoundly reflected in the beliefs of Europeans about the East. That is, 18th century thought on Ottoman politics contains a Eurocentric analysis of Oriental despotism that is absent from the discussions of Ottoman tyranny in earlier centuries.

scholarly journals In the “Mirror” of Press: Preparation and Conduct of the First “Russian Season” by S. P. Diaghilev (1906)

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 48-58
Author(s):  
Natalia D. Melnik
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Russian Art ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cultural Activities ◽  
Russian Symbolism ◽  
The Press ◽  
The 19Th Century

Purpose. The purpose of this study is to examine the coverage in the Russian and foreign press the preparation and conduct of the first Russian season in Paris (then in Berlin) by S. P. Diaghilev in 1906, which became the beginning of implementation of large-scale activities of impresario in Western Europe, whose main objective was the promotion of almost unknown at the time for the Europeans the Russian art. Results. Quoting the correspondence of artists-friends of Diaghilev, memoirs of contemporaries, publications in the press, as well as modern research, allows the author to assert that the basis of this cultural project of the impresario was the exhibition “Two centuries of Russian painting and sculpture”, where he exhibited ancient Russian icons, works of Russian artists of the 18th century – the first half of the 19th century, as well as paintings by members of the art Association “World of Art” who were the representatives of Russian symbolism and modernism. Conclusion. The studied materials indicate that the success of the first Russian season set the stage for further cultural activities to acquaint Western Europe with a variety of achievements of Russian art and their success among critics and the public.

scholarly journals Hygiène publique et construction de l’ Etat grec, 1833 - 1845

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Αθανάσιος Μπαρλαγιάννης
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Complete System ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
State Action ◽  
The Public ◽  
Contagious Diseases ◽  
The Social ◽  
Of Greece

This study is about the organization of public hygiene in the kingdom of Greece between 1833, when prince Otto of Bavaria ascends to the throne, and 1845, when the political and epidemiological frontiers of the kingdom are traced by a complete system of lazarettos and sanitary offices. We will firstly analyze the structures of sanitary prevention in the interior of the country (vaccinators, public health doctors, municipal doctors) as well as at its frontiers, and then we will focus on the measures against contagious diseases (such as the plague and smallpox) and against miasmas. We are also interested in examining the main diseases that determine the mortality of the period under scrutiny and the medical theories that explain the applicable sanitary measures. At the same time, we will review some of the aspects of the classical distinction of Erwin Ackerknecht between contagionism and miasmatic theory. Finally, we will study the difficult formation of an official group of medical professionals. The interest in public hygiene imposes the study of the biological construction of the state and, subsequently, of the state itself. Public hygiene defines the threats which it tries to prevent, and it creates and secures the collectivity. In the Police State of thecameralist king Otto, these developments are controlled by the bureaucracy, the administration, the public force and the science of medical police. Its purpose is to construct and order the public space, the space of state action, which is natural as well as social. This action of ordering imposes the centralization of health and at the same time it normalizes the natural elements and the social forces so that they can coordinate without resistance; in other words, the action of ordering pacifies. Medical police controls these processes by reconfiguring the ties that bind individuals with each other and with the geography, the nature and their diseases.

scholarly journals Making Love Public: The Paradoxes of Intimacy in Henry James’s The Wings of the Dove

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Majewska
Keyword(s):  
Henry James ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
Romantic Love ◽  
Niklas Luhmann ◽  
The Public ◽  
Late 18Th Century ◽  
Intimate Relation ◽  
Wings Of The Dove ◽  
Intimate Relations ◽  
The 19Th Century

This article focuses on the paradoxes pertaining to romantic love in Henry James’ The Wings of the Dove. Drawing on love sociology (Luhmann, Illouz) it explores the ways in which James places the love and courtship of his protagonists Merton Densher and Kate Croy in a complex and shifting relation to the private and the public. As sociologists and cultural historians inform us, “romantic love“—a notion that links love and marriage—emerged only in the late 18th century as an ideal advocated by sentimentalism and romanticism and then gained popularity throughout the 19th century. Its emergence was concomitant with the rise of the middle class, the rise of the novel, and the growing separation of the private and the public spheres. Indeed, as Niklas Luhmann argues in his seminal study Love as Passion, the differentiation of the private or intimate sphere—a sphere defined by personal/intimate relations as opposed to impersonal ones—begins with the cultural codification of love. It was only after love and marriage became linked that marriage gained its status as a private affair and the family came to be regarded as the sphere of privacy. This already suggests a paradox built into the idea of romantic love: while love came to be understood as the most intimate relation between two people and as central for the demarcation of the private sphere, it also needed to be made public in order to remain what it was. This paradox is reflected in one of the major ironies of James’ novel: Kate’s decision neither to publicly acknowledge their relationship nor to conduct it in secret, but rather to appear publicly and act privately as if there was nothing to disavow in the first place, leads to the disintegration of their intimate bond. Suggesting that the performative effects of Kate and Merton’s public actions eventually render their intimate bond nonexistent, James exposes the paradox at the heart of romantic love.

scholarly journals Origins of State and Legal Ideas of Russian Freemasons in the Late 18th – First Half of the 19th Century

2019 ◽  
pp. 207-215
Author(s):  
Alexey Dmitriyev
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Public Welfare ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
Academic Literature ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Ideal ◽  
Moral Nature ◽  
The 19Th Century

The research was triggered by the opinions spreading in the contemporary academic literature, according to which the ideology of Russian freemasonry was associated with constitutionalism and Order of Illuminati, and the theory of public welfare was a formal rationale for the monarch’s unlimited power. The main goal of this research is analyzing the public welfare concepts in the teachings of Russian and foreign thinkers, as well as in provisions of acts and writings of Russian freemasons. The author uses methods of the history of notions and the intellectual history to analyze the links between F. Prokopovich’s, S. Pufendorf’s, V. N. Tatishchev’s, Y. F. Bilfeld’s and I. G. Justi’s ideas and provisions of freemasons’ charters and writings by Russian freemasons – A. P. Sumarokov, I. V. Lopukhin, I. A. Pozdeyev. The author’s core findings were as follows: public welfare is mostly understood as a merging of wills achievable on condition of realizing everyone’s welfare. The concept of public welfare includes the principle of a limited union between the authorities and the society, as well as the principle of fulfilling mutual obligations by the monarch and citizens (subjects), failing which the morals decline and the state falls. The study’s main conclusions illustrate that Russian freemasons adopted theoretical constructs of public welfare, mutual obligations of the monarch and the subjects (citizens), and the moral nature of will. Russian freemasons developed these ideas in their own works, interpreting them mainly in the conservative and protective vein. The political ideal of the Russian freemasonry is a single and indelible limited monarchy headed by an enlightened monarch whose authority of governing the civil society is limited by the natural law and the law of God.

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