Political tolerance of demobilizing armed actors: The case of FARC in Colombia

2019 ◽  
pp. 175063521987473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kwansik Mun ◽  
Hernando Rojas ◽  
David Coppini ◽  
Helen Cho
Keyword(s):  
Interpersonal Communication ◽  
Media Exposure ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Peace Negotiation ◽  
Interpersonal Discussion

Recent scholarship has shown the importance of political conservatism, perceived (in)security, and communication channels (i.e. mass media) in increased or decreased tolerance toward certain groups. This study advances our knowledge in this area by integrating the importance of media exposure, interpersonal communication and attitudes toward political elites in shaping tolerance levels toward the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC, after the initials in Spanish). For this, the authors analyze national survey data collected in Colombia and carry out a path analysis to explore the formation of political (in)tolerance toward FARC. Results from exploring tolerance toward FARC, a rebel group transitioning from a military force to a political one, show the importance of interpersonal discussion and attitudes toward political elites in fostering tolerance both directly and indirectly via increased preference for a peace negotiation over a military solution. The implications of these findings are discussed.

Premises, Policies and Multilateral Whitewashing of Broad Security Doctrines: A Southeast Asia-Based Critique of “Non-traditional” Security

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2019) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Delphine Allès
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Human Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Multilateral Cooperation ◽  
The Core ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Policy Transformation ◽  
Semantic Evolution

This article highlights the formulation of comprehensive conceptions of security in Indonesia, Malaysia and within the framework of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), well before their academic conceptualisation. These security doctrines have been the basis of the consolidation of state and military apparatuses in the region. They tend to be overlooked by analyses praising the recent conversion of Southeast Asian political elites to the “non-traditional security”? agenda. This latter development is perceived as a source of multilateral cooperation and a substitute for the hardly operationalisable concept of human security. However, in the region, non-traditional security proves to be a semantic evolution rather than a policy transformation. At the core of ASEAN’s security narrative, it has provided a multilateral anointing of “broad” but not deepened conceptions of security, thus legitimising wide-ranging socio-political roles for the armed forces.

How encompassing is the effect of negativity bias on political conservatism?

2014 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Malka ◽  
Christopher J. Soto
Keyword(s):  
Political Engagement ◽  
Social Attitudes ◽  
Negativity Bias ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Political Conservatism ◽  
Ideological Conflict

AbstractWe argue that the political effects of negativity bias are narrower than Hibbing et al. suggest. Negativity bias reliably predicts social, but not economic, conservatism, and its political effects often vary across levels of political engagement. Thus the role of negativity bias in broad ideological conflict depends on the strategic packaging of economic and social attitudes by political elites.

Why Politicians Are More Tolerant: Selective Recruitment and Socialization Among Political Elites in Britain, Israel, New Zealand and the United States

1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
John L. Sullivan ◽  
Pat Walsh ◽  
Michal Shamir ◽  
David G. Barnum ◽  
James L. Gibson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Personality Characteristics ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Public ◽  
Members Of Parliament

In this article, we present data showing that national legislators are more tolerant than the public in Britain, Israel, New Zealand and the United States. Two explanations for this phenomenon are presented and assessed. The first is the selective recruitment of Members of Parliament, Knesset and Congress from among those in the electorate whose demographic, ideological and personality characteristics predispose them to be tolerant. Although this process does operate in all four countries, it is insufficient to explain all of the differences in tolerance between elites and the public in at least three countries. The second explanation relies on a process of explicitly political socialization, leading to differences in tolerance between elites and their public that transcend individual-level, personal characteristics. Relying on our analysis of political tolerance among legislators in the four countries, we suggest how this process of political socialization may be operating.

scholarly journals Baltic States in NATO: Results of the Decade

2014 ◽  
pp. 9-17
Author(s):  
V. V. Vorotnikov
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Soviet Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
Open Door Policy ◽  
Baltic States ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
The Baltic

In the post-Soviet period participation in NATO was one of the major goals of euro-atlantic integration for the Baltic states. Political leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have considered participation in the alliance as an important element of euro-atlantic solidarity which allows small - from all viewpoints - states claim decision-making over global issues. This satisfies demands of the political elites and victimized public consciousness for more security, makes it possible for elites to consider their states as bulwark against Russia. Throughout the whole decade, such reasoning has been reflected in doctrines and speeches of Baltic politicians. After joining NATO, the Baltic states became the most active supporters of a deeper integration in the military area and "open door" policy. They have continued reforming their armed forces and renovating military infrastructure. They have acquired "specialization" within NATO by establishing centers of excellence. In terms of euro-atlantic solidarity, the participation in the International Security Assistance Force in Afganistan has become the most important international project for the Baltic states. However, only Estonia managed to mount their defence expenses to the level of 2% GDP. During the „Ukranian crisis" the issue of Baltic membership in NATO acquired special importance. Confrontational rhetoric and appeals to "Russian threat" in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, on the one hand, make it possible for their political leaders to constantly demonstrate their importance in the eyes of Western partners and demand more activity of the alliance and, on the other hand, make ground for the political elites to consolidate the electorate, by that ensuring that the right-wing conservative forces remain in power.

The Armed Forces "New" Missions: A European View

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-165
Author(s):  
Bernard Boëne
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Current Trends ◽  
Definition Of

Are the armed forces' new missions as new as they are made out to be, and if so, how is one to characterize them ? To answer such questions, it is possible to start from a conception of military force in terms of sovereignty, violence, organization and legitimacy, which recombines the elements and sub-elements of Clausewitz's triadic definition of war. This will be used here as a baseline to assess current trends.

On Fear-Induced Aggression

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-79
Author(s):  
Ned Dobos
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
International Norms ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Trade Off

Wherever there is a military establishment, there is a possibility that it will provoke the very thing that it is meant to deter. A foreign enemy might be driven to attack us not despite our armed forces, but because of them, in an act of fear-induced ‘defensive aggression’. What this tells us is that a military’s contribution to ‘national security’ is not unequivocally positive. There is a trade-off involved. States armed with militaries may be less likely to find themselves on the receiving end of ‘greedy’ or ‘opportunistic’ aggression, but they are more likely to find themselves on the receiving end of preventive aggression, motivated by feelings of insecurity and vulnerability. Thankfully, international norms against the use of preventive military force have limited the instances of defensive aggression over the last century. But today these norms are unravelling. If ‘defensive aggression’ becomes legitimized, we should expect to see more of it.

Conclusion: The armed forces and perennial problems

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-126
Author(s):  
Joseph T. Glatthaar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Traditional Values ◽  
Military Leaders ◽  
American Military

Since the 1970s, the United States has struggled to accept that its economic and military powers are finite. The Conclusion looks at ways the American military might make progress while acknowledging these limitations. The American military could be reinvigorated by better communication between politicians and military leaders, a return to traditional values of prudence and circumspection, and greater support during wartime. Technology may have transformed warfare, but enemies often find low-cost means of reducing their impact. The United States possesses the world’s most sophisticated military force, but sometimes the task is greater than it can fulfill, or the results are not worth the price.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renaud Egreteau
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Direct Approach ◽  
Conducting State ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
General Elections ◽  
New Form ◽  
Military Institution

This section introduces the book’s main discussion on the new form of rule and governance which has taken shape in post-junta Myanmar in the first half of the 2010s. Reviewing the recent scholarship on Myanmar’s ongoing transition, it argues that the armed forces, or Tatmadaw, have appeared as increasingly striving to shift their involvement in politics toward a less direct approach, tolerating relative criticism and opposition, granting civilians a greater role in conducting state business, while at the same time still holding on to numerous preserves and “caretaking” most of Myanmar’s political process. The introduction asks whether the transition as was “pacted” after the 2010 general elections, by a military institution in position of strength, can be consolidated further, given the myriad of challenges Myanmar’s polity and society continue to face.

Modeling the Complexity of the Terrorism/Counter-Terrorism Struggle

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Arney ◽  
Zachary Silvis ◽  
Matthew Thielen ◽  
Jeff Yao
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Asymmetric Warfare ◽  
United States Armed Forces ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Us ◽  
Complex Mathematical Model

The United States armed forces could be considered the world’s most powerful military force. However, in modern conflicts, techniques of asymmetric warfare (terrorism) wreak havoc on the inflexible, regardless of technological or numerical advantage. In order to be more effective, the US military must improve its counter-terrorism (CT) capabilities and flexibility. In this light, the authors model the terrorism-counter-terrorism (T-CT) struggle with a detailed and complex mathematical model and analyze the model’s components of leadership, promotion, recruitment, resources, operational techniques, cooperation, logistics, security, intelligence, science, and psychology in the T-CT struggle, with the goal of informing today’s decision makers of the options available in counter-terrorism strategy.

Talking Politics: The Relationship Between Supportive and Opposing Discussion With Partisan Media Credibility and Use

2020 ◽  
pp. 009365022091504
Author(s):  
Jay D. Hmielowski ◽  
Sarah Staggs ◽  
Myiah J. Hutchens ◽  
Michael A. Beam
Keyword(s):  
Interpersonal Communication ◽  
Fox News ◽  
Perceived Credibility ◽  
Media Credibility ◽  
Partisan Media ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Conservative Media ◽  
Interpersonal Discussion ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Hostile Media

In this article, we test a dynamic intracommunication process looking at the relationships between interpersonal discussion, perceived credibility of partisan media, and partisan media use. Using the theoretical foundation of hostile media perceptions, with a specific focus on relative hostile media, we examine whether interpersonal communication affects perceived credibility of liberal and conservative media outlets and whether these effects translate into increased use or avoidance of partisan media outlets. Using data collected during the 2016 U.S. election, we find that supportive interpersonal discussion is associated with greater perceived credibility of liberal media outlets (e.g., MSNBC) among liberals, which results in increased use of liberal leaning news outlets. In addition, we find that discussion with those who hold opposing views is associated with increased perceived credibility of conservative media outlets (e.g., Fox News) among conservatives, which translates into greater use of conservative leaning outlets. Similarly, talking to those who hold opposing views decreases perceived credibility of liberal media outlets (e.g., MSNBC) among conservatives, resulting in decreased use of liberal leaning outlets.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document