scholarly journals News framing of the Euromaidan protests in the hybrid regime and the liberal democracy: Comparison of Russian and UK news media

2020 ◽  
pp. 175063522095344
Author(s):  
Zixiu Liu

This study examines and compares news framing of the protests in Ukraine from 30 November 2013 to 26 February 2014, encompassing three news sectors in the hybrid regime setting of Russia and the liberal democracy of the UK. Following Godefroidt et al.’s (2016) approach in their article in International Communication Gazette 78(8), the findings suggest that, while the Russian media used economic consequences and morality frames in the reporting of the protests reflecting the country’s political rhetoric on Ukraine, the British media preferred a human-interest frame and delivered a primarily one-sided coverage. The confrontational interpretations of the crisis by the Russian and UK media revealed an illiberal trend in both the hybrid regime and the liberal democracy.

Author(s):  
Zixiu Liu

This pilot study uses quantitative content analysis following the framework of generic frames, diagnostic and prognostic frames (Godefroidt et al. 2016) to compare the news framing of the Ukraine crisis in Russia and the UK from 30 November 2013 to 26 February 2014. The Moscow Times and The Guardian were chosen as examples of quality print media with online editions that are comparable in terms of quality, circulation rate, political stance, and more importantly – global targeting. The study argues that firstly, the media in both countries were more likely to report through conflict lens, followed by responsibility frame. Secondly, the difference between the Eastern and Western media was tracked. While the Russian media relatively preferred economic consequence frame reflecting the country’s geopolitical interests, the British media tended to use human-interest frame highlighting unfairness and non-proportionality.


2005 ◽  
Vol 82 (4) ◽  
pp. 857-872 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine A. Luther ◽  
Xiang Zhou

This research examined news frames in coverage of SARS by newspapers in China and the United States. The assumption was that with the adoption of Western news values and practices, the Chinese press would exhibit news frames similar to those found in Western news. The results showed the presence of economic consequences, responsibility, conflict, leadership, and human-interest news frames in both the U.S. and Chinese newspapers. Depending on the newspaper's country of origin, however, the degree and manner of the frame uses varied.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Maurer ◽  
Jörg Haßler ◽  
Simon Kruschinski ◽  
Pablo Jost

Abstract This study compares the balance of newspaper and television news coverage about migration in two countries that were differently affected by the so-called “refugee crisis” in 2015 in terms of the geopolitical involvement and numbers of migrants being admitted. Based on a broad consensus among political elites, Germany left its borders open and received about one million migrants mainly from Syria during 2015. In contrast, the conservative British government was heavily attacked by oppositional parties for closing Britain’s borders and, thus, restricting immigration. These different initial situations led to remarkable differences between the news coverage in both countries. In line with news value theory, German media outlets reported much more on migration than did their British counterparts. In line with indexing theory, German news coverage consonantly reflected the consensual view of German political elites, while British news media reported along their general editorial lines.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Min Liu

This paper examines whether and the extent to which requiring the audit engagement partner (EP) signature influences on information asymmetry, analysts’ forecast errors, and forecast dispersion. I predict and find that, ceteris paribus, there is a significant decline in information asymmetry, analysts’ forecast errors and forecast dispersion from the pre- to post-EP signature period in the UK over both of short-term (i.e., 2008-2010) and long-term (i.e., 2004-2014). These findings hold when using a control sample approach, indicating that my results are not likely due to the effect of concurrent events and correlated omitted variables. These findings suggest that implementing the EP signature requirement benefits analysts forecasts over a short- and long-term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-96
Author(s):  
Olena Moshenets

Abstract The article analyzes the goals, objectives and content of professional training for international communication specialists in the UK universities. It is found that professional training of international communication specialists aims to prepare a competent and competitive expert under the rapidly changing requirements of British society and the international labour market. They are expected to have the relevant basic professional knowledge, practical abilities and skills (leadership and managerial skills, high-level political and information culture, active social position, high responsibility, willingness and capacity for self-study). It is indicated that British degree programmes mainly seek to train specialists based on interdisciplinary and competency-based principles, focusing on learning outcomes. Upon the successful completion of the degree programme, the graduate must possess not only theoretical knowledge but also special and general abilities and skills, which are necessary for effective functioning in various contexts of public life. It is specified that in the context of competency-based approach, the UK higher education aims to develop future specialists’ ability to independently acquire new knowledge throughout life, identify and realize their own intellectual and creative potential, strive for self-determination, social integration and self-development, which creates relevant conditions for acquiring high-level professional competency in general and nurture professional culture in particular. It is concluded that British degree programmes in international communication consist of compulsory and optional modules. Each university is entitled to choose the number and content of compulsory and optional modules in accordance with the directions of scientific research of the department and scientific interests of students and lecturers.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 224-236
Author(s):  
Maria E. Ruth ◽  

These notes were inspired by a recent article by Boris Norman and Natalja Rajnochová on the role of patronymics in the Russian naming tradition and culture (Voprosy onomastiki, 2020, Vol. 17, Iss. 2). Without disputing its provisions in any way, the author attempts to take a closer look into the present tendency to omit patronymics or even abhor their use. Recognizing this as a growing trend in the Russian culture, the author reflects upon its causes, foremost of which is the general aversion for all the formal manifestations of the Soviet system. Since the use of patronymics (in the official formula) became mandatory exactly after 1917, it is commonly perceived as a Soviet relic. The second reason is the adoption of Western naming practices not requiring the use of a father’s name — due to Russia’s greater involvement in the international communication, extensive overseas travelling, and fluency in foreign languages, primarily English. The issue of the required use of patronymic in official documents is particularly acute when children from mixed families obtain Russian citizenship. Other factors for doing away with patronymics include Russian media language, as in most news programs and talk shows it is carefully avoided, and the increase in the number of single-parent families (no father) where the need to register a patronymic entails complex formal and ethical problems. Yet, however pertinent these problems are in the modern society, the author considers them relatively marginal and argues the relevance of patronymics for modern Russian culture and the naming practice. The author supports this view by giving evidence from Internet forums, as well as the author’s personal experience.


2021 ◽  
pp. 174276652110399
Author(s):  
Jane O’Boyle ◽  
Carol J Pardun

A manual content analysis compares 6019 Twitter comments from six countries during the 2016 US presidential election. Twitter comments were positive about Trump and negative about Clinton in Russia, the US and also in India and China. In the UK and Brazil, Twitter comments were largely negative about both candidates. Twitter sources for Clinton comments were more frequently from journalists and news companies, and still more negative than positive in tone. Topics on Twitter varied from those in mainstream news media. This foundational study expands communications research on social media, as well as political communications and international distinctions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 107769902110587
Author(s):  
Zachary Scott

What can political candidates do to make their agenda more enticing to journalists? This study argues that the answer lies in appealing to newsworthiness values—specifically conflict, human interest, and simplicity—via rhetorical newsworthiness cues. Using an original data set of announcement speeches and national news media coverage from 1984 to 2016, this study tests this argument and finds that candidates whose speeches include more anger and candidate-based appeals, which appeal to journalists’ preference for conflict and human-interest stories, have their issue agenda covered with greater proportionality. It concludes with a discussion of the implications of these incentives on the electorate.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-114
Author(s):  
Yves Mény

There is unanimous agreement about the growing discontent vis-à-vis liberal democracy. Despite a considerable diversity of its manifestations, the disenchantment with democracy, its institutions as well as its policies is universal. The disease has contaminated every democratic system: those recently set up as well as consolidated democracies such as the UK and USA; rich countries as well as less affluent ones; social-democratic regimes as well as neoliberal ones; federal as well as centralized states. This new trend is well consolidated. Thirty years after the fall of the Soviet regimes, the naïve belief that there was no alternative to liberal democracy has faded away. This chapter argues that the crisis is not a mere effect of the post-2008 financial collapse but rather a consequence of three processes. First is the incremental but deep transformation of what we call democracy over the past 50 years. We have a single word (democracy) to label systems which have gone through a profound transformation and which, at the end, do not fit with democracy’s ideals, hopes, and expectations. The second process is the shaking of the very foundations of the past equilibrium based on a compromise between two conflicting values: the power of the people, on one hand, and the liberal limitations on the people’s capacity to act, decide, and control, on the other. The new equilibrium reached after many years of slow evolution is characterized by a serious imbalance between the popular input and the checks and balances, contributing to the frustration of those who are, in theory, the ‘sovereign’. Third is the increasing discrepancy between democratic systems and institutions that have developed exclusively within the Westphalian nation-state, and policies that are more and more framed by or dependent upon global actors. Finally, the failure of the European Union to tackle the so-called ‘democratic deficit’ has disillusioned those who had dreamed of reconciling democratic processes and policies with supranational institutions, flows, and actors. The populist outburst in both its anarchic and authoritarian versions, while fuelling discontent, might become a mere ‘impasse’. There is, indeed, ‘only a single bed for two dreams’ and some new balance between the contradicting values of democracy and liberalism has to be established for the future.


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