scholarly journals The infrastructures of mobile media: Towards a future reseach agenda

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heather A. Horst

In this contribution to the inaugural issue of Mobile Media & Communication, I draw upon recent work on mobiles in the global south to illustrate how the ‘third wave’ of mobile communication research requires a renewed focus upon the political and economic dimensions of infrastructures and the subversion of the system by individuals, communities and organizations. Inspired by Susan Leigh Star’s seminal work on the importance of studying infrastructures, I suggest that mobile media scholarship should look to the changes in the technical, social, political, regulatory and other forms of infrastructures that the first two waves’ focus upon novel uses and consumers often rendered invisible.

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-136
Author(s):  
Maurits S. Berger

Abstract To understand the concerns and issues related to Muslims and Islam in Europe, this article makes use of a framework that qualifies ‘Islam’ as two manifestations of ‘physical’ and ‘virtual’ Islam and ‘Europe’ as two discourses defined as the political-legal and cultural-religious discourse. The resulting matrix of these four dimensions will be applied to several of the main issues of the interaction between Islam and Europe: the numerical presence of Muslims, their visibility, the legacy of centuries of European-Islamic interaction, and the (in)compatibility of Islamic and European values. Based on these examples, the author observes that the European concerns regarding ‘Islam’ mostly relate to virtual Islam and are dominated by cultural-religious discourse. The author therefore questions the often-heard two-choice question between ‘Europanization of Islam’ or ‘Islamization of Europe’, arguing that the real choice to be made in Europe is whether it will adhere to its political-legal values, such as liberalism, equalit and human rights, or will prefer its cultural-religious values.


Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Robert R. Kaufman

This book examines regime change during the so-called Third Wave by focusing on transitions to and from democratic rule, taking into account factors such as the nature of authoritarian and democratic institutions, regime performance, and capacities for collective action on the part of civil society. Drawing on seventy-eight discrete democratic transitions and twenty-five cases of reversion to autocracy that occurred between 1980 and 2008 as coded in two widely used datasets, the book considers how structural factors affect transitions to and reversions from democracy. It shows that democratization driven by mass mobilization appears to hinge on political factors: how exclusionary or co-optive authoritarian regimes are and the extent to which publics are capable of mobilizing grievances into the political arena. This introduction defines core terms and justifies the book's focus on the Third Wave. It also previews the book's empirical findings and concludes with a note on the research method used.


2004 ◽  
Vol 98 (3) ◽  
pp. iii-vii

For more than a century and a half, Democracy in America has been an indispensable starting point for understanding American politics. After the second volume of Democracy was published in 1840, Tocqueville continued to monitor political developments in this country and committed many of his thoughts to paper, in letters to friends in America. Unfortunately, his epistolary ruminations have never been translated into English, and their very existence seems to have largely been ignored until now. In “The Third Democracy: Tocqueville's Views of America after 1840,” Aurelian Craiutu and Jeremy Jennings use the post-1840 letters to tell the rest of the story—or, as they put it, to “reconstruct what Volume Three of Democracy might have looked like if it had ever been written.” (The portrayal of party canvassing on the cover of this issue commemorates that period in American politics.) Craiutu and Jennings's creative reconstruction reveals a significant change in Tocqueville's perspective, and more specifically a growing disenchantment with America occasioned by his sense that such problems as corruption, slavery, imperialism, and the encroachment of the economic sphere upon the political would jeopardize freedom and stability in America. Thus, rather than the relatively sunny picture that emerged from the first two volumes of Democracy, Craiutu and Jennings argue that the excesses of democracy in America would have been the central focus of the final volume of Tocqueville's seminal work.


Author(s):  
Chultemsuren P. ◽  

The article reveals the Khalkha history of the XVI–XVII centuries, describes the events where one of the prominent state and religious leaders Tumenkhen Sain-noyon (1558–1640) took an active part. It is noted that this was a historic period related to the third wave of the spread of Buddhism among Mongols. This also was the time of significant changes in the political history, economics and religious life of the countries and nations of Central Asia. During this period Tumenkhen Sain-noyon with his elder brother Avatai made great efforts to spread the teaching of Geluk, organize the building of Buddhist temples and translate sacred books.


Slavic Review ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 854-882 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip G. Roeder

As communism was collapsing, both the discipline of political science and American foreign policy were becoming captivated by two concepts—the third wave of democratization and the democratic peace. The third wave of democratization is the "worldwide movement to democracy" that occurred in more than thirty countries during the decade and a half that began with the Portuguese coup of 1974. The democratic peace is the special peace that develops among liberal states "because they exercise democratic caution and are capable of appreciating the international rights of foreign republics."


Slavic Review ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 883-884
Author(s):  
Peter H. Solomon

As communism was collapsing, both the discipline of political science and American foreign policy were becoming captivated by two concepts—the third wave of democratization and the democratic peace. The third wave of democratization is the "worldwide movement to democracy" that occurred in more than thirty countries during the decade and a half that began with the Portuguese coup of 1974. The democratic peace is the special peace that develops among liberal states "because they exercise democratic caution and are capable of appreciating the international rights of foreign republics."


2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (06) ◽  
pp. 130-138
Author(s):  
A. V. Sharavin ◽  

The article compares the memoirs of dissidents and the prose of V. Aksenov and S. Dovlatov (books "In Search of a Sad Baby", "Craft", "Suitcase"). There is a difference in approaches to the creation of texts. In the memoirs of dissidents, the political and ideological aspects of emigration are reproduced, the stages of departure are described in detail. In the prose of the writers of the third wave, the image of the artist of the word, an exile, forcibly separated from his homeland, is comprehended. V. Aksenov and S. Dovlatov follow the tradition that has developed in literature - images of the power / poet opposition. Writers, like immigrants who are not professional writers, do not strive to document all the nuances of going to the West, their goal is to go beyond comprehending only the socio-political aspects of going abroad. Writers solve aesthetic problems, political realities for them are only a reflection of the entourage of external circumstances. Thus, V. Aksenov establishes successive ties between the creators of the "Silver Age" and the artists of the third wave of words. For the autobiographical hero S. Dovlatov, expulsion from the USSR and "relocation" to the United States is an opportunity to realize himself as a person freed from the ideological component, to comprehend the "particularity" of his existence.


2014 ◽  
Vol 56 (03) ◽  
pp. 70-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

AbstractOne of the most significant developments in Latin American democracies since the beginning of the Third Wave of democratization is the rise to power of political outsiders. However, the study of the political consequences of this phenomenon has been neglected. This article begins to fill that gap by examining whether the rise of outsiders in the region increases the level of executive-legislative confrontation. Using an original database of political outsiders in Latin America, it reports a series of logistic regressions showing that the risk of executive-legislative conflict significantly increases when the president is an outsider. The likelihood of institutional paralysis increases when an independent gets elected, due to the legislative body's lack of support for the president and the outsider's lack of political skills. The risk of an executive's attempted dissolution of Congress is also much higher when the president is an outsider.


1979 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Jervis

Because of its parsimony and power, deterrence theory is the most important American theory of international relations. Yet it has many faults. The boundaries outside of which it does not apply are not clear; it does not tell how a state can change an adversary's motives; it does not deal with the use of rewards. Current scholarship of the third wave of deterrence theory, including George and Smoke'sDeterrence in American Foreign Policy, has increased our knowledge by providing empirical evidence on when and how deterrence fails. Examination of the details of decision making reveals the ways in which attempts to deter can go wrong. Recent work stresses the role of each side's intrinsic interest in an issue, and argues that earlier formulations of the theory exaggerated the importance of commitment. The third wave also introduces a larger political element by focusing attention on states' goals and the context of their behavior.


Author(s):  
Ian Bruff

This article assesses various contributions to the globalisation debate. It takes as its basis the split in the political economy literature between three ‘waves’ of analysis, and provides an overview of each in the first part of the article. A progression towards a more sophisticated understanding of ‘globalisation’ has taken place with the emergence of each wave, with the third wave representing the most refined account. The second section suggests neo-Gramscian theory can overcome the shortcomings of the otherwise praiseworthy third wave. In particular, the work of Stuart Hall is presented as appropriate for the study of globalisation, and political economy in general. The article concludes by calling for greater cross-pollination of ideas between the various critical theories of political economy.


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