scholarly journals Network Effects in Blau Space: Imputing Social Context from Survey Data

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 237802311986859
Author(s):  
Miller McPherson ◽  
Jeffrey A. Smith

We develop a method of imputing ego network characteristics for respondents in probability samples of individuals. This imputed network uses the homophily principle to estimate certain properties of a respondent’s core discussion network in the absence of actual network data. These properties measure the potential exposure of respondents to the attitudes, values, beliefs, and so on of their (likely) network alters. We use American National Election Study data to demonstrate that the imputed network features show substantial effects on individual-level measures, such as political attitudes and beliefs. In some cases, the imputed network variable substantially reduces the effects of standard sociodemographic variables, like age and education. We argue that the imputed network variable captures many of the aspects of social context that have been at the core of sociological analysis for decades.

1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Rabinowitz ◽  
Stuart Elaine Macdonald

From Stokes's (1963) early critique on, it has been clear to empirical researchers that the traditional spatial theory of elections is seriously flawed. Yet fully a quarter century later, that theory remains the dominant paradigm for understanding mass-elite linkage in politics. We present an alternative spatial theory of elections that we argue has greater empirical verisimilitude.Based on the ideas of symbolic politics, the directional theory assumes that most people have a diffuse preference for a certain direction of policy-making and that people vary in the intensity with which they hold those preferences. We test the two competing theories at the individual level with National Election Study data and find the directional theory more strongly supported than the traditional spatial theory. We then develop the implications of the directional theory for candidate behavior and assess the predictions in light of evidence from the U.S. Congress.


1981 ◽  
Vol 75 (4) ◽  
pp. 963-974 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lowery ◽  
Lee Sigelman

Numerous explanations of the tax revolt have been offered since California's adoption of Proposition 13 in 1978. Unfortunately, many of these explanations remain untested or have been tested inappropriately, and the explanations are often jumbled together in a fashion that precludes theoretical clarity. We extract eight explanations from the literature, each of which assumes that the tax revolt is a systematic national phenomenon that is a function of individual-level social, economic, and political factors. Having tested these explanations by means of a discriminant analysis of data from the 1978 American National Election Study, we find little empirical corroboration for any of them. This leads us to consider two alternative research programs, one of which interprets the tax revolt within a symbolic politics framework.


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 451-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetsuya Matsubayashi

Most research on political representation focuses on how citizens’ ideology and partisanship influence their support for political candidates – leaving the question of whether (and how) elected officials influence citizens’ positions on political issues open to debate. The hypothesis tested here – using a unique, quasi-experimental design with American National Election Study data between 1956 and 2004 – is that Democratic representatives shift the opinions of constituents in the pro-Democratic and liberal direction, while Republican representatives shift constituents’ opinions in the pro-Republican and conservative direction. The findings show that incumbent representatives indeed move their constituents’ opinions in a particular direction, and that representatives have a stronger impact on constituents who are more frequently exposed to their messages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Riaz Ahmad , Dr. Adnan Khan

Development of society and its inhabitants is negatively affected by prevailing conflicts. Although, enormous research and theoretical work regarding macro level factors leading to conflict formation is available, still, research is needed to investigate the problem at individual level. The current study aims at finding out personal characters resulting in conflict formation. For this cross sectional qualitative study, data were collected from participants through interview guide. As, totality of the personality characters of individual cannot be negative or anti-social, therefore, the current study aimed at finding out negatively interacting characters which frequently ends in conflict formation. The study found that, incongruous modes of interaction, egocentrism, bad attitude, negative personal tendencies, ideological differences, psychological problems, and personality disorder; were the most common characters of personality that not only had negative effects on cognitive abilities of individuals rather jolt negative energies in their behavior and led to conflict formation. Furthermore, the study suggests that many conflicting situations in our daily lives could be avoided if we leash these negative personality characters and keep focusing on reforming and redirecting our behavior. For this purpose, further research is needed to find out ways and techniques which could replace negative personality characters by positive ones to ensure peacebuilding.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie VanDusky-Allen ◽  
Stephen M. Utych

AbstractIn this paper, we analyze how variations in partisan representation across different levels of government influence Americans’ satisfaction with the democracy in the United States. We conduct two survey experiments and analyze data from the 2016 American National Election Study postelection survey. We find that Americans are the most satisfied with democracy when their most preferred party controls both the federal and their respective state governments. However, we also find that even if an individual’s least preferred party only controls one level of government, they are still more satisfied with democracy than if their most preferred party controls no levels of government. These findings suggest that competition in elections across both the national and state government, where winning and losing alternates between the two parties, may have positive outcomes for attitudes toward democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziying Mo ◽  
Matthew Tingchi Liu ◽  
Peiguan Wu

PurposeThe purpose of this study was to theorize and examine a Pygmalion perspective in how leader and coworker expectations predict in-role and ex-role employee green behavior (EGB).Design/methodology/approachUsing a time-lagged field study, data were collected from a sample of 71 leaders and 340 members to examine the hypothesized relationships with a multilevel model (group level and individual level).FindingsThe results showed that leader green behavior and self-efficacy for EGB (i.e. the Pygmalion process) mediate the relationship between leader expectations and EGB, while self-efficacy mediates the relationship between coworker expectations and EGB. In addition, this study found that the effect of coworker expectations and EGB via self-efficacy is stronger when leaders themselves demonstrate a higher level of green behavior.Originality/valueThis study also aims to provide a multilevel theory and investigates the interplay between multilevel variables in encouraging EGB. It also extends previous EGB literature through investigating a different process (i.e. the Pygmalion process) relating leader expectations for EGB to EGB. Moreover, this study develops implications of Pygmalion process on EGB from theoretical and practical perspectives.


Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine

This chapter examines patterns of political participation more broadly across time and space. It directly compares people's likelihood of becoming active based on which political issues they consider most important. The data for this analysis are drawn from the American National Election Study data from the past three decades. The chapter asks: If we look back over the past thirty years, have the people who consider insecurity issues to be most important also been less likely to spend resources on politics than those who consider other issues to be most important? Have they been less likely to donate money to political organizations? And, if they are in the labor force, have they been less likely to volunteer as well? Moreover, do these differences remain even after we take into account other differences between the types of people who prioritize economic insecurity issues versus those who consider other issues to be most important?


Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine

This chapter describes in greater detail the objective situation facing Americans in four major areas of financial threats: job insecurity, healthcare costs, retirement, and the cost of college. It analyzes the politics of such threats among the mass public. It examines the extent to which the people who consider such issues important are facing them in their own daily lives, as opposed to a situation in which their concerns are reflective of what others are facing. The data for this chapter are drawn from several sources, including time series data from Gallup beginning in the early 1950s as well as American National Election Study data from the past three decades that (broadly) match the time frame in which the objective situation in these four areas has become more insecure.


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