The Politics of Presence

Author(s):  
Pierre Rosanvallon

This chapter explores a new politics of presence, which takes on a variety of forms. For society itself presence is a new way of understanding what belongs to the realm of the political. It has also given rise to a “new militancy of presence,” the role of which has grown as traditional representative organizations have declined. Charitable organizations long served to “educate the social gaze,” but in recent years many other groups have begun to fill this role. For example, there are groups that specialize in publicizing the plight of the children of illegal immigrants threatened with expulsion, and other groups that take up the cause of laid-off workers. The role of these groups is not simply to defend the interests of the people they represent. It is rather to give them social existence, to bring them recognition as a community, and to raise their plight as a political issue.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Krivoshchekov ◽  
Olga Gulevich

According to the Self-Determination Theory, the social context — the actions of those around us — promotes or hinders the autonomy need satisfaction. The latter, in turn, improves the attitudes toward the people around. Most of the studies that have demonstrated this relationship have been conducted in the proximal social context (family, school, organizations). At the same time, few studies examined the role of the distal social context (culture, political system, economic structure of society). We aimed to examine the relationship between the political regime, autonomy need satisfaction, and trust in political institutions. To examine the link, we used data from two waves of the European Values Study (2008, 2017). The results revealed that the political regime (as estimated by Freedom House Index) was positively associated with one’s reported autonomy need satisfaction. However, the former was not related to the trust in political institutions. In addition, autonomy need satisfaction was positively associated with political trust in the police, the justice system, parliament, government, and political parties. However, the severity of this link, in some cases, varied between the regimes: it was more pronounced in more democratic countries than in less democratic ones.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 072551362110257
Author(s):  
Joseph Grim Feinberg

This paper engages with radical democratic theory in light of the so-called ‘return of the people’ taking place in contemporary political discourse. I argue that the return of the people should not be seen only as a return of politics strictly speaking, but also as a process by which elements of the social that had previously been excluded from politics enter the political sphere. Framing the problem in this way calls for a view to how politics is circumscribed, distinguished from the social but also, at various moments, broken open. At the same time, I call for paying increased attention to how the notion of the people takes shape beyond the political sphere, off the metaphorical political stage. By examining how the people is constructed in cultural and social movements, off the political stage, we can better understand the form taken by the people when it appears in politics.


Author(s):  
Karen Piepenbrink

Chapter 5 examines the role of public opinion in Athenian debates in philosophical circles, especially in arenas such as public assemblies and law courts. It begins with a discussion of the dêmos’ attitudes and positions that occur in speeches, particularly in the political speeches and the prosecution and defence speeches from public trials. More specifically, it considers the attitudes of the dêmos towards the social and political elite as well as its positions on day-to-day politics. It then analyses the competition between orators in political debates that are held in public assemblies and in the law courts. It shows that orators refer back to alleged views of the people in order to communicate their own suggestions or petitions successfully even as they attempt to discredit their opponents, but at the same time distancing themselves from the dêmos and representing the interests of individuals.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


Author(s):  
Yusra Ribhi Shawar ◽  
Jennifer Prah Ruger

Careful investigations of the political determinants of health that include the role of power in health inequalities—systematic differences in health achievements among different population groups—are increasing but remain inadequate. Historically, much of the research examining health inequalities has been influenced by biomedical perspectives and focused, as such, on ‘downstream’ factors. More recently, there has been greater recognition of more ‘distal’ and ‘upstream’ drivers of health inequalities, including the impacts of power as expressed by actors, as well as embedded in societal structures, institutions, and processes. The goal of this chapter is to examine how power has been conceptualised and analysed to date in relation to health inequalities. After reviewing the state of health inequality scholarship and the emerging interest in studying power in global health, the chapter presents varied conceptualisations of power and how they are used in the literature to understand health inequalities. The chapter highlights the particular disciplinary influences in studying power across the social sciences, including anthropology, political science, and sociology, as well as cross-cutting perspectives such as critical theory and health capability. It concludes by highlighting strengths and limitations of the existing research in this area and discussing power conceptualisations and frameworks that so far have been underused in health inequalities research. This includes potential areas for future inquiry and approaches that may expand the study of as well as action on addressing health inequality.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2021 ◽  
pp. 186810342110278
Author(s):  
Inaya Rakhmani ◽  
Muninggar Sri Saraswati

All around the globe, populism has become increasingly prominent in democratic societies in the developed and developing world. Scholars have attributed this rise at a response to the systematic reproduction of social inequalities entwined with processes of neoliberal globalisation, within which all countries are inextricably and dynamically linked. However, to theorise populism properly, we must look at its manifestations in countries other than the West. By taking the case of Indonesia, the third largest democracy and the largest economy in Southeast Asia, this article critically analyses the role of the political campaign industry in mobilising narratives in electoral discourses. We use the Gramscian notion of consent and coercion, in which the shaping of populist narratives relies on mechanisms of persuasion using mass and social media. Such mechanisms allow the transformation of political discourses in conjunction with oligarchic power struggle. Within this struggle, political campaigners narrate the persona of political elites, while cyber armies divide and polarise, to manufacture allegiance and agitation among the majority of young voters as part of a shifting social base. As such, we argue that, together, the narratives – through engineering consent and coercion – construct authoritarian populism that pits two crowds of “the people” against each other, while aligning them with different sections of the “elite.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 89-90 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 102-115
Author(s):  
Natalia Evstafyeva ◽  
◽  
Irina Wagner ◽  
Yulia Grishaeva ◽  
◽  
...  

The article deals with methodological aspects of the development of ecological culture of schoolchildren in a multicultural educational environment. The authors identify two acute problems in modern society – multiculturalism and ecology. The Russian Federation is a multicultural country. Multicultural education is aimed at preserving the diversity of Russian society, carries the potential and tool for protecting ethnic and national communities in a multi-ethnic Russia, promotes the integration of all territorial-economic, political and national-cultural communities into a single Russian nation, allows a person to adapt to a multicultural world, helps a person understand himself and the people around him and promote the social role of a cultural person in society. The authors consider the relationship between multiculturalism and ethnopedagogy, identify the main pedagogical approaches and principles of development of multicultural education. The article notes the importance of integration of two significant areas in education and in the world - ethnology and ecology. Together they make an ethno-cultural module and an eco-cultural module which form the values for the society sustainable development. The possibility of using the technology of project activity through the implementation of ethno-ecological projects of students is considered. The authors note that ethnoecological projects on the dominant activity of students can be of different directions: research, educational, creative or practical ones. The most effective way to work on projects is through the implementation of a system of eco-oriented multicultural project weeks. Authors pay an important attention to the projects aimed at studying the ethnoecological traditions of the native land, the peculiarities of its geography, climate, natural landscape, flora and fauna, reflected in folklore, folk crafts, cults, rituals, holidays, legends, myths, etc.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dade Prat Untarti

ABSTRAK: Permasalahan pokok dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) Apa latar belakang terbentuknya Desa Talaga Besar Kecamatan Talaga Raya Kabupaten Buton Tengah? (2) Bagaimana berkembangan Desa Talaga Besar Kecamatan Talaga Raya Kabupaten Buton Tengah Tahun 1977-2017? Metode sejarah tersebut adalah: (a) Pemilihan topik (b) Heuristik (Pengumpulan Data) (c) Verifikasi (Kritik Sejarah) (d) Interpretasi (e) Historiografi (kritik sejarah). Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa: (1) Desa Talaga Besar awalnya hanya dijadikan tempat untuk berkebun atau bercocok tanam, misalnya menanam jagung dan ubi kayu sebagai makanan pokok masyarakat setempat dan pada umumnya masyarakat Buton. Karena seiring berjalannya waktu dan peradaban serta jumlah penduduk semakin bertambah banyak. Pemerintah daerah berinisiatif memekarkan desa Talaga Besar menjadi desa definitif. Faktor-faktor yang mendukung terbentuknya Desa Talaga Besar ini ialah: (a) Adanya peranan pemimpin yang selalu memberikan motivasi kepada warga untuk aktif dalam setiap kegiatan yang sifatnya membangun. (b) Faktor pendukung diantaranya faktor geografis (wilayah), faktor demografi (penduduk), dan faktor ekonomi. (2) Perkembangan Desa Talaga Besar dalam bidang ekonomi, sebagian besar masyarakat Talaga Besar menggantungkan hidupnya di bidang pertanian dan perdagangan yang telah dilakukan dan dikembangkan secara turun temurun. Di bidang sosial, hubungan sosial kemasyarakatan antara warga Desa Talaga Besar cukup harmonis. Di bidang pendidikan, perkembangan pendidikan di Desa Talaga Besar pada khususnya dan Kecamatan Talaga Raya pada umumnya mengalami perkembangan pendidikan yang boleh dikatakan sudah cukup baik dan infrastruktur lebih baik bila dibandingkan dengan keadaan sebelumnya. Kata Kunci: Sejarah, Desa, Talaga BesarABSTRACT: The main problems in this study are: (1) What is the background of the formation of Talaga Besar Village, Talaga Raya District, Buton Tengah Regency? (2) How did the development of Talaga Besar Village, Talaga Raya District, Buton Tengah Regecy Year 1977-2017? The historical methods are: (a) Selection of topics (b) Heuristics (Data Collection) (c) Verification (Historical Criticism) (d) Interpretation (e) Historiography (historical criticism). The results of this study indicate that: (1) Talaga Besar Village was originally only used as a place for gardening or farming, for example planting corn and cassava as a staple food for the local community and in general the Buton people. Because over time and civilization as well as the population increases. The regional government took the initiative to split the village of Talaga Besar into a definitive village. The factors that support the formation of the Talaga Besar Village are: (a) There is a role of leaders who always motivate citizens to be active in any constructive activity. (b) Supporting factors include geographical factors (region), demographic factors (population), and economic factors. (2) The development of Talaga Besar Village in the economic field, most of the Talaga Besar people depend their lives on agriculture and trade which have been carried out and developed for generations. In the social field, social relations between the people of Talaga Besar Village are quite harmonious. In the field of education, the development of education in the village of Talaga Besar in particular and the Talaga Raya sub-district in general experienced a development of education which was arguably quite good and the infrastructure was better when compared to the previous situation. Keywords: History, Village, Great Talaga


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danilo T Perez-Rivera ◽  
Christopher Torres Lugo ◽  
Alexis R Santos-Lozada

Between July 13-24, 2019 the people of Puerto Rico took the streets after a series of corruption scandals shocked the political establishment. The social uprising resulted in the ousting of the Governor of Puerto Rico (Dr. Ricardo Rosselló, Ricky), the resignation of the majority of his staff something unprecedented in the history of Puerto Rico; this period has been called El Verano del 19 (Summer of 19). Social media played a crucial role in both the organization and dissemination of the protests, marches, and other activities that occurred within this period. Puerto Ricans in the island and around the world engaged in this social movement through the digital revolution mainly under the hashtag #RickyRenuncia (Ricky Resign), with a small counter movement under the hashtag #RickySeQueda (Ricky will stay). The purpose of this study is to illustrate the magnitude and grass roots nature of the political movement’s social media presence, as well as their characteristics of the population of both movements and their structures. We found that #RickyRenuncia was used approximately one million times in the period of analysis while #RickySeQueda barely reached 6,000 tweets. Particularly, the pervasiveness of cliques in the #RickySeQueda show concentrations of authority dedicated to its propagation, whilst the #RickyRenuncia propagation was much more distributed and decentralized with little to no interaction between significant nodes of authority. Noteworthy was the role of the Puerto Rican diaspora in the United States of America and around the world, contributing close to 40% of all geo-located tweets. Finally, we found that the Twitter followers of the former governor had indicators of being composed of two distinct populations: 1) those active in social media and 2) those who follow the account but who are not active participants of the social network. We discuss the implications of these findings on the interpretation of emergence, structure and dissemination of social activism and countermovement to these activities in the context of Puerto Rico.


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