scholarly journals Competing socio-technical narratives in times of grid capacity challenges: the representative case of Sweden

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Frans Libertson

Abstract Background Around the globe the electricity sector is strikingly similar, as regardless of nation it is structured around centralized large-scale power production. However, these centralized systems are currently experiencing operational problems related to climate change, energy security and aging grid infrastructures. In Sweden, the lack of investment and maintenance of the grid have created bottlenecks in certain regions, which are now facing an electricity shortage. This capacity crisis has received the attention of the media and generated a debate around the future trajectory of the electricity system. Results The purpose of this study is to analyze the ongoing media discourse in Sweden to determine whether there is a dominant narrative in the debate and its potential implications. The findings indicate that the government is unanimously held accountable for the electricity shortage and that there is a strong inclination toward a centralized electricity system as a solution. Conclusion The results indicate that the dominating centralized narrative, should it receive too much traction, might create a technological lock-in and result in overlooking the many advantages of a decentralized electricity system. Ultimately, this might give rise to an outdated electricity system that stalls its transformation toward a more sustainable path.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Anindita Riesti Retno Arimurti ◽  
Fitrotin Azizah

Dormitory is a place for student who built in various small scales to a very large scale. Of the many dormitory residents with bad space such as lack of ventilation and incoming sunlight, the large number of scattered students' clothes causes the room to become damp. The presence of air mold is caused by the lack of ventilation as well as the humidity of the room environment in the dormitory which can cause several diseases, one of which is ARI. The purpose of this study was to determine whether or not there is mold contamination on air in the room and clothes of the students at one of the Islamic boarding schools in East Surabaya. This type of research is descriptive. The sample used is air in several dormitory rooms at one of the Islamic boarding schools in East Surabaya. This research method uses the isolation technique of Sabauraud Dextose Agar (SDA) media which is partially opened and then placed in several rooms in this Islamic boarding school. Second, 30 samples of clothes were taken randomly from students from different disciplines and then scratched on SDA media. In the results of macroscopic observations, of the 30 sampled rooms. Microscopic colonies of cotton taken from the media showed positive results for hyphae, mycellium, spores, and conidiospores. The results obtained were positive there were Aspergillus sp.  with the percentage was 100% while the results of the students' clothing swabs, from 30 clothing samples found 80% positive for mold contamination.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (14) ◽  
pp. eaay9344
Author(s):  
Hans J. G. Hassell ◽  
John B. Holbein ◽  
Matthew R. Miles

Is the media biased against conservatives? Although a dominant majority of journalists identify as liberals/Democrats and many Americans and public officials frequently decry supposedly high and increasing levels of media bias, little compelling evidence exists as to (i) the ideological or partisan leanings of the many journalists who fail to answer surveys and/or identify as independents and (ii) whether journalists’ political leanings bleed into the choice of which stories to cover that Americans ultimately consume. Using a unique combination of a large-scale survey of political journalists, data from journalists’ Twitter networks, election returns, a large-scale correspondence experiment, and a conjoint survey experiment, we show definitively that the media exhibits no bias against conservatives (or liberals for that matter) in what news that they choose to cover. This shows that journalists’ individual ideological leanings have unexpectedly little effect on the vitally important, but, up to this point, unexplored, early stage of political news generation.


Author(s):  
Dr. Mohammed Ali Al-Rousan

The study stands on investigating the Media content of the official Jordanian broadcasting, in light of the Corona pandemic and the method used to employ the media instruments to deal with the Jordanian and global health and economical situation. Also the characteristics of its media discourse. The study relied on the descriptive and documentary analysis method to explore the Media content, guided by the systematic analysis approach about the input and output of media discourse, and the feedback to manage the media scene. The study concluded that Jordanian Media discourse characterizes by the participatory, integrative, and interactive approach within the two main parties of the crisis represented in the government and the public recipient, where the health and economic media releases its Media agenda which enabled it to employ its previous experiences and gain new experiences that could be added to the national Media experiences in the other world countries.


Author(s):  
Ben Worthy

The conclusion addresses the issue of why FOI survived, despite a lack of public interest. The UK FOI policy proceeded in distinct stages: an inside struggle followed by an external/internal conflict. The initial success of the White Paper was driven by insiders, rather than outside influence, aided by a particular context and the ignorance or disinterest of many key figures. In the later stages the drivers were very different as a complex interplay of factors kept FOI ‘alive’ as a policy. Government commitment to its manifesto generally and Blair’s public commitment to FOI helped ‘lock-in’ the government to some form of legislation when Parliament and the media applied pressure. The chapter will briefly examine the UK legislation’s performance since 2000 across various parts of government. Drawing on academic studies (Worthy 2010: Worthy et al 2011) and official analysis (Justice 2012) it looks at the use and impact of FOI. It ends by looking at whether the fears of opponents and the hopes of supporters have come to pass.


Mapping Power ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 72-92
Author(s):  
Megha Kaladharan

Delhi’s electricity sector represents a case of privatization in the face of electoral populism. Publicly-supported privatization-based reform, introduced by the Congress government, yielded some service quality gains to customers and political advantage to the government. However, these reforms also sowed the seeds of future discontent by introducing tension between the credibility of reforms and that of the regulator. Reforms became politically unpopular, as the public was mobilized to protest tariff hikes and question the gains from reform. Moreover, financial pressures rose as a result of two forces: growing regulatory assets allowed by the regulator as a way of staving off tariff increases and increases in power purchase costs due to imprudent contract lock-in. A new AAP in government sought consumer gains through transparency-focused reform along with targeted subsidies, but this fell afoul of Delhi’s federal politics. Reform allowed Delhi to change the equation between politics and electricity, but not in a manner that was sustainable.


Land ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Désirée Gmür

The topic of large-scale land acquisition (LSLA) has attracted wide interest in the literature and the media. However, there is little work on the gendered institutional changes and gendered impacts on common pool resources (CPR) due to LSLA. The aim of this paper is to address these impacts. This is done by discussing data from participatory research (using the methods of participatory observation, semi-structured and narrative interviews, biographies, focus group discussions, value chain analysis, and household questionnaires) on a forestry plantation operated by the British investor, the New Forests Company (NFC) in the Kilolo district, in the Iringa region. The institutional arrangements regarding different land-related common pool resources from pre-colonial times until the arrival of this investment will be shown. Furthermore, how these arrangements have changed over time and since the LSLA is presented. Then, the effects on men’s and women’s access to CPR and, thus, the impacts on their capacities to perform their reproductive work and resilience will be addressed. Furthermore, the paper focuses on how different stakeholders in the land deal (the investor, the government, different local people) make use of these different institutions to push through their own interests regarding the land. Finally, the paper looks at collective compensation payments (such as monetary compensation and jobs) and forms of corporate social responsibility (CSR) schemes, and how they are perceived emically. It is argued that the LSLA in this case clearly grabs land and land-related common pool resources that were previously held in common. Women, such as daughters, sisters, and wives, had specific access and property rights to these. Thus, the paper concludes that this grabbing lowers women’s resilience and deprives them of important resources for their livelihoods, and for food and cash production at critical times. CSR programmes and compensation rarely reach women and are, for them, an anti-politics machine, hiding the grabbing processes, and impacting the poorest of the poor, while the company uses a development discourse to legitimise its activities. In fact, the people perceive the investment as trapping them in underdevelopment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 02060
Author(s):  
Andy Noorsaman Sommeng ◽  
Chrisnawan Anditya

Indonesia is committed to reducing Greenhouse Gas Emissions (GHG) by 29% against Business as Usual (BAU) projections in 2030 with its own efforts and 41% with international assistance as part of the Paris Agreement. In the management and utilization of electricity, the development of renewable energy (RE) power generation in Indonesia is carried out while taking into account the balance with other aspects, namely Energy Security, Energy Equity, and Energy Sustainability or called as Energy Trilemma. In accordance with PLN’s Electricity Supply and Demand Business Plan (RUPTL) 2018-2027 that has been approved by the Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources, the total capacity of RE power generation to be built up to 2025 is about of 14.3 GW consists of geothermal power generation (PLTP) of 4.6 GW; hydro power generation (including mini-hydro and pump storage): 7.7 GW; solar power generation (PLTS): 1.0 GW; wind power generation (PLTB): 0.6 GW; and biomass/waste power generation (PLTBm/PLTSa): 0.4 GW. The RE power generation to be developed is still dominated by "Non-Intermittent" RE power generation (89%). While the "Intermittent" RE power generation that will be developed is still relatively small, which is only about 11%. This is due to challenges in its development, namely PLN is the only "Off-Taker" in the electricity business, and not all RE power generation can be accepted by the electricity system. As an effort to improve the development of RE power generation, the policy actions that have been or will be implemented by the government are 1) Development of RE power generation should be consider the balancing between "supply and demand" and the readiness of the electricity system to tapping the RE power generation at the most competitive costs; 2) Development of Distributed Generation or Micro-Grid; 3) Revision of the Grid Code to accommodate the Intermittent RE power generator; 4) Development of Smart-Grid; and 5) Acceleration of the Electric Vehicle Program.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
Herdin Muhtarom

The current Coronavirus (Covid-19) outbreak has become a major focus of the global community because of the many impacts that have been caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, both in the fields of health, social, economics, and education. The purpose of this study was to determine the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, especially in the economic and social sectors in Pandeglang Regency, Banten. The method used in this study is the Qualitative Descriptive Analysis method. The results showed that the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic greatly affected the economic field in Pandeglang District, especially community income in Pandeglang declined during the Covid-19 pandemic and many large-scale Termination of Work (PHK) felt by the Pandeglang community, for the social sector many communities or the government provided food or basic needs assistance to people in Pandeglang who were affected by the Covid-19 pandemic so that the level of community solidarity during the Covid-19 pandemic in Pandeglang District was very high.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Germán Asensio Peral

The years of the Second World War (1939-1945), a period known as The Emergency in Ireland, were pivotal for the development of the nation. Immediately after the outburst of the war in the continent, the Fianna Fáil cabinet led by Éamon de Valera declared the state of emergency and adopted a neutrality policy. To ensure this, the government imposed strict censorship control, especially on journalism and the media. The aim of the censorship system was to ensure that war facts were presented as neutrally as possible to avoid any potential retaliation from any of the belligerents. This censorship apparatus, however, affected many intellectuals of the time who felt that their freedom of expression had been restrained even more. One of these dissenting writers was Brian O’Nolan (1911-1966), better known as Flann O’Brien or Myles na gCopaleen. For more than twenty-six years (1940-1966), he wrote a comic and satirical column in The Irish Times entitled Cruiskeen Lawn. In his column, O’Brien commented on varied problems affecting Dublin and Ireland as a whole. One of the many topics he began discussing was precisely Ireland’s neutral position in the war. Therefore, this paper aims at examining Ireland’s neutral position in the war as seen through a selection of columns from Cruiskeen Lawn, devoting special attention to the oppression of censorship and the distracting measures developed by de Valera’s government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-182
Author(s):  
Banyugiri Setra ◽  
Abul Razaq ◽  
Miftahul Arifin

Indonesia and the world are being hit by the global Covid-19 pandemic which has paralyzed all human activities for several months. The incident then seizes public's attention and becomes the centre of public discussion. Various state policies around the world have been carried out to prevent the spread of Covid-19, including social distancing, Large-Scale Social Restrictions, and the implementation of the ‘new normal’ in various sectors. In this case, the current article specifically focuses on the issue of the mudik (exodus) restriction which has caught the attention of Indonesian public. Such travel restriction has caused a polemic between the government and migrants or migrant workers. These problems became complex when the mudik restrictions were started earlier on May 6, 2021. Despite the restrictions, the euphoria of the public in welcoming the Idul Fitri could no longer be contained although the complexity of the country in implementing this policy was still a problem, whether mudik was allowed or prohibited. Such perception was a polemic in our society. Therefore, the purpose of this journal article is to shed some of the answers to the many question posed in public perception. It is also used to provide more space and access to the public in understanding the ambiguity of the rules.


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