A Bruise, a Neck, and a Little Finger

2022 ◽  
Vol 2022 (142) ◽  
pp. 57-71
Author(s):  
Lynda Nead
Keyword(s):  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Individual Woman ◽  
Little Finger

Abstract Ruth Ellis was the last woman to be hanged in Britain. On April 10, 1955, in front of witnesses, she shot and killed her lover, David Blakely, and was immediately arrested and imprisoned. In so many other ways, however, her life was similar to those of many aspirational women of the working classes in postwar Britain; she achieved notoriety because of the murder and execution. This essay uses archives of press photography to examine the diverse ways in which Ellis constructed her identity and was represented to the public as a sexualized woman. It attempts a feminist encounter with the visual archive—an encounter not only with an individual woman but also, and as importantly, with 1950s sex, sexuality, class, and violence.

Conquering the Public Space

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Llano
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Social Services ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Public Image ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
San Bernardino ◽  
The City

This chapter presents an account of the San Bernardino band as the public facade of that workhouse. The image of children who had been picked up from the streets, disciplined, and taught to play an instrument as they marched across the city in uniform helped broadcast the message that the municipal institutions of social aid were contributing to the regeneration of society. This image contrasted with the regime of discipline and punishment inside the workhouse and thus helped to legitimize the workhouse’s public image. The privatization of social aid from the 1850s meant that the San Bernardino band engaged with a growing range of institutions and social groups and carried out an equally broad range of social services. It was thus able to serve as the extension through which Madrid’s authorities could gain greater intimacy with certain population sectors, particularly with the working classes.

A Contrast in Styles at the Office of Works. Layard and Ayrton: Aesthete and Economist

1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. H. Port
Keyword(s):  
Rapid Growth ◽  
The State ◽  
General Election ◽  
Fundamental Importance ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Purse ◽  
Special Duty

‘The rapid growth of wealth, especially among the classes of the greatest activity and enterprise, has led, for a number of years past, to a diminished watchfulness, outside the walls of Parliament, respecting the great and cardinal subject of economy in the public charges, and the relation between the income of the State and its expenditure. I earnesdy desire that the paramount interest of the lately enfranchised classes in thrifty administration may operate powerfully to bring about a change.’ So Gladstone trumpeted the leitmotif of his administration, at the outset of the general election campaign in October 1868. The fundamental importance of fiscal strategy in Gladstone's politics has recently been emphasized. Faced with an ineluctable increase in civil expenditure and rising expectations of governmental contributions to the public weal – what he termed ‘scattering grants at the solicitation of individuals and classes’, the system of ‘making things pleasant all round’ and stimulating ‘local cupidity to feed upon the public purse’ – Gladstone was determined that his ministry, backed as he believed by the votes of the thrifty working classes, should reduce such expectations. ‘I t is the special duty of public men’, he told his constituents soon after taking office, ‘to watch the very beginnings of evil’ in regard to any relaxing of the general principles of economy and thrift; and he promised to reduce expenditure in the coming year.

Introduction: The Class Politics of Privatization: Global Perspectives on the Privatization of Public Workers, Land, and Services

2007 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Jennifer Klein
Keyword(s):  
Labor History ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Global Perspectives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
Central Tenet ◽  
International Report ◽  
Club Of Rome ◽  
Public Workers

Surveying countries in all continents, a recent international report sponsored by The Club of Rome declared privatization to be “one of the defining features of our era.” Any major phenomenon of our time must have historical roots. The purpose of this volume is to address privatization as an issue of globalization, to give it a history apart from the totalizing notion of neoliberalism and the prescriptive models of economic theory. The consensus among social theorists and observers is that this global process of privatization is a result of neoliberalism, a practice and ideology whose central tenet is the primacy of markets. Certainly, the rhetoric and policies of neoliberalism have been spreading rapidly throughout the globe, but the blanket use of this concept has not enabled us to get inside the real social and political transformations that marked the last decades of the twentieth century. The writers in this volume introduce the particularities of social and labor histories and locate privatization in narratives of class politics and struggle. Bringing social and labor history into the analyses of privatization, at the same time, these essays put labor history, often monographically focused, into larger discussions of the state and capitalism. These essays make the class agenda of privatization explicit, viewing it not just as the “opening of markets,” but as clear assaults on the working classes and on the public claims that workers and citizens are able to make on the economy's resources and productivity.

Conference reports

Urban History ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Martin Daunton
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Monthly Basis ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Slum Dwellers ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Impact ◽  
House Building ◽  
First World

The opening lecture of the conference was on a Scottish theme to complement the Scottish venue. Professor JOHN BUTT (Strathclyde) spoke on ‘Working-class housing in the Scottish cities 1900–51’. He began with a fairly traditional picture of working-class housing, which seemed to suggest that it was almost synonymous with slum-dwelling. He also outlined the system of house-letting which operated in Glasgow at the turn of the century, and suggested the impact on the housing market. This system was based upon yearly lets expiring at one date for all but thebottom of the market, where monthly lets were the norm. The main agitation for a change in the letting system came from the mostly ‘respectable’ tenants who occupied yearly-let property, as opposed to the slum-dwellers who rented on a monthly basis. (Regular attenders at the Urban History Group conferences will remember that these themes were discussed in the paper presented by Nick Morgan and Martin Daunton to the Loughborough meeting in 1981; they will also form a major element in Dr Englander's forthcoming book on Landlord and Tenant in Urban Britain 1838–1918.) Professor Butt went on to argue that during the rent strikes of the First World War, it is possible to see a clear distinction between the ‘landlord class’ and the ‘employer class’, the latter not always supporting the view of the former. The final part of the lecture considered the provision of new housing for the working classes after 1918. Detailed figures were provided to support the contention that the building industry and building supplies trade in Scotland were incapable of meeting the demand for new housing from the public sector during the 1930s. He illustrated his argument with specific examples of corporation house-building in Aberdeen, Glasgow, Dundee and Edinburgh.

scholarly journals Neoliberal Unfoldings of Lulism

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-297
Author(s):  
Eduardo Altheman C. Santos ◽  
Bruna Della Torre de C. Lima ◽  
Vladimir Ferrari Puzone
Keyword(s):  
Michel Foucault ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
Public Policies ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Do So

The article analyzes some traits of the relationship between the public policies implemented during the Workers' Party’s administrations between 2003 and 2016, and the constitution of a neoliberal subjectivity among fractions of Brazilian working classes.  Such arrangement promoted the idea that social conflict revolves around the opposition between rich and poor, putting aside the individual's relations with class. Meanwhile, “Lulism” favored the development of individualism and entrepreneurship among Brazilian workers. To do so, we will refer to some researches regarding their situation, especially in the outskirts of large Brazilian cities. Besides, we will resort to some observations made by Michel Foucault, since they are helpful to explore those questions.

The Sorrow of a City

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice J. Hobson
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Olympic Games ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Business Elite ◽  
Economic Progress ◽  
Counter Narrative ◽  
Class Stratification ◽  
National Convention

Chapter Three focuses on the tumultuous episode where Atlanta’s most vulnerable citizens, primarily poor black children, were being hunted and murdered. To clarify this, chapter three explores the experience of the victims’ families through oral interviews, the FBI papers, and archival research to show how the popular political sentiment of Atlanta’s black working classes and poor towards Atlanta’s black City Hall was one of distrust that thwarts the black Mecca image. Crucial to understanding the Atlanta Child Murders again notes that the prism of race was not the only lens to better understanding this convoluted community, but that class stratification within black Atlanta(s) are lucid. The Atlanta Child Murders provide a unique counter-narrative on class to Atlanta’s black Mecca status, as victims who were poor black youth were labeled and dismissed as “hustlers and runaways” in effect suggesting that they deserved what happened to them. Chapter three accounts for the experiences of the Committee to Stop Children’s Murder (STOP Committee) and the Techwood Bat Patrol, organizations formed by some of Atlanta’s black working class and poor as they deemed it necessary to organize against the murderers because to them, Jackson was too busy bolstering the black Mecca image while sacrificing Atlanta’s poor to play politics. This chapter grapples with the idea that at this time, Atlanta’s black political leadership was already working with Atlanta’s white business elite to host the 1988 Democratic National Convention and the 1996 Olympic Games. As a result, it was widely believed by a large segment of the public that Atlanta’s black City Administration downplayed the murders to show that social and economic progress had been made in the South and thus promoting a “city too busy to hate.” Just as important, many in black Atlanta felt that Williams was not the killer and that another killer remained on the loose.

On the rate of Sickness and Mortality amongst the Members of Friendly Societies in France

1855 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 208-220
Author(s):  
Samuel Brown
Keyword(s):  
Free Association ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Friendly Societies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Good Order

It is not without some degree of pride, that we recall the fact that England has taken the lead in fostering and extending those social institutions which appear destined to carry out the beneficent design of procuring the greatest possible amount of happiness for the greatest possible number. She has not been afraid to encourage a spirit of self reliance in the mass of the people, and to allow her working classes to associate freely in the effort to equalize the uncertainties of life, so that those who may have a little better fortune than the average may assist those who have a little less. Now and then, indications may have been observed of fear amongst the ruling powers lest this free association should be used for political purposes, and doctrines dangerous to the Government or the good order of society be thereby enabled to circulate too easily amongst classes who may have real wrongs to redress or fancied rights to assert; but, in the long run, good sense has prevailed, and Government has fortunately perceived that Friendly Societies for mutual aid in sickness or want, and other associations for bettering the condition of the working classes, gave them a direct interest in the preservation of the public peace, and formed by their very principles the antidote to the fears they had excited.

scholarly journals Subalterns’ oppression in the Post Colonial Society of Aravind Adiga and Bina Shah

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 71-73
Author(s):  
A Lavanya ◽  
M R Rashila
Keyword(s):  
Gender Discrimination ◽  
Post Colonial ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
Colonial Society ◽  
Caste Discrimination ◽  
White Tiger ◽  
Post Colonialism

The term ‘subaltern’ identifies and illustrates the man, the woman, and the public who is socially, politically, and purely outside of the hegemonic power organization. Nowadays, Subaltern concern has become so outstanding that it recurrently used in diverse disciplines such as history, psychology, sociology, anthropology, and literature. The notion of subaltern holds the groups that are marginalized, subjugated, and exploited based on social, cultural, spiritual, and biased grounds. The main purpose of this paper is to expose various themes such as oppression, marginalization, the subjugation of inferior people and working classes, gender discrimination, unnoticed women, deprived classes, racial and caste discrimination, etc. It is one of the subdivisions of post colonialism. In this paper, Aravind Adiga and Bina Shah illustrate subalterns through The White Tiger and Slum Child.

Robert Jameson (1774–1854) and the concept of a public museum

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey N. Swinney
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Natural History ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Theoretical Studies ◽  
History Museum ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
The Public ◽  
University Of Edinburgh ◽  
The University ◽  
Public Museum

Attention is drawn to Robert Jameson's distinction between “the public” and “the working classes” in relation to the audience for the Natural History Museum of the College (later the University of) Edinburgh. This distinction is discussed, together with specific usage of the related term “closed”, in the context of recent theoretical studies on the creation and construction of the public and a public sphere during the nineteenth century.

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