scholarly journals Eight Questions about Brain Drain

2011 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gibson ◽  
David McKenzie

The term “brain drain” dominates popular discourse on high-skilled migration, and for this reason, we use it in this article. However, as Harry Johnson noted, it is a loaded phrase implying serious loss. It is far from clear that such a loss actually occurs in practice; indeed, there is an increasing recognition of the possible benefits that skilled migration can offer both for migrants and for sending countries. This paper builds upon a recent wave of empirical research to answer eight key questions underlying much of the brain drain debate: 1) What is brain drain? 2) Why should economists care about it? 3) Is brain drain increasing? 4) Is there a positive relationship between skilled and unskilled migration? 5) What makes brain drain more likely? 6) Does brain gain exist? 7) Do high-skilled workers remit, invest, and share knowledge back home? 8) What do we know about the fiscal and production externalities of brain drain?

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Lajda Bana

The world of today which seeks globalization, while the economic inequality, corruption, political instability, and moreover wars prevail, it is always associated with the movement of people towards what might be called the ‘best for their future’. This movement is not just a mechanical action, but is a phenomenon associated with social, economic and political consequences not only to the country of origin but also for the host country. The departure of the people from their land is a well-known and proven phenomenon mainly of the developing countries. This phenomenon includes also the so-called brain drain emigration, the departure of skilled people, professionals and researchers from their own country to other places. The brain drain is not only a phenomenon that belongs to developing countries, or former communist states, or those countries in war, but it can also affect the developed Western countries. Brain drain does not always constitute a brain gain in the host country. In most of the cases, people who have to leave the countries in political instability or former communist countries, even if they are qualified and holders of university degrees, they are obliged to work in humble jobs which can be simply exercised by persons without university qualifications. Consequently, the brain drain phenomenon is not automatically turned into a benefit 'brain gain' for the host country; on the contrary, it might even be turned into the so-called brain-waste. A social challenge in this context remains the turn of "brain drain" into "brain gain" or "brain circulation". Therefore, one of the current priorities for governments is to create effective economic and social conditions which would enhance the integration of the graduates, researchers and professionals into their national and regional markets


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Luara Ferracioli

This introductory chapter lays out the key questions of the book. It explains the background assumptions at play and the key philosophical commitments supporting the different arguments in the book. This chapter also explains the key arguments of the following chapters and how they come together to support a partial theory of immigrations that avoids both open borders and complete control of immigration on the part of states. It also explains how the theoretical framework defended in the first part of the book affects the applied questions pursued in the second part of the book, such as the ethics of asylum, family migration schemes, the brain drain, and immigration enforcement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 26-34
Author(s):  
Devorah Lieberman ◽  
Shannon Capaldi

Volumes of research studies, surveys, and census data document the “brain drain,” the phenomenon of highly educated and highly skilled workers migrating from their hometown to an urban or metropolitan area that promises a better life. Early indications of brain drain begin with high school graduates determining where to attend college. There is a pervasive belief that it is a measure of success and part of a process of upward mobility to go away to college, and therefore an implied failure if one remains in their hometown or region while earning a degree. This mentality and encouraged brain drain behavior is reinforced by a K-12 education system that sorts students early in their academic careers and invests in the best and brightest, while paying little attention to the majority of students (Harmon, 2010). This is a skewed approach and leaves many individuals, and their hometowns, with few opportunities and stifled upward social and economic mobility.   The needs of the workforce are rapidly changing. Some form of post-secondary education is required for the majority of entry-level jobs in the United States (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2017). Yet, higher education is being faced with increasing competition and growing skepticism regarding the value of a college degree. By collaborating and partnering with the region in which an institution exists, urban, suburban, or rural, colleges and universities can cut through higher education’s competitive noise and growing skepticism, while addressing the changing workforce needs and redefining students’ pride about where they earn a degree, and begin their careers, close to home. We call this paradigm shift the “Brain Remain,” and it has the potential to significantly alter the way higher education, K-12 districts, businesses, and community leaders work, operate, and collaborate in the new economy. This, in turn, can create bold new opportunities for students where they least expect them: right in their own backyards.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 140
Author(s):  
Quah Chun Hoo ◽  
Siti Rohaida M. Zainal ◽  
Guok Eng Chai

Despite the huge allocation on funds and attention channeled towards solving the brain drain issue by the Malaysian government, this issue is still far from being resolved. Agencies such as Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation (MOSTI), Malaysian Development Corporation (MDC) and others have been established to try to lure back our top talents from abroad. MOSTI launched its first brain gain programme in 1995 till 2000, which successfully attracted 94 scientists, of whom only one remains in Malaysia. The second brain gain scheme which was implemented from 2001 to 2004 was intended to attract 5000 talents a year. Unfortunately, only 200 took advantage of the offer. Then, to better coordinate the plan, Talent Corporation Malaysia Berhad was established under the Prime Minister’s Department with the objective of wooing foreign talent and overcoming the barriers for them to settle down in Malaysia, among others (Starbizweek, 2011b). Unfortunately, the reception to these initiatives is far from encouraging. Even though the study on brain drain is not new among researchers; in Malaysia, empirical studies on this issue is still limited. Drawing on the push and pull factors identified by previous researchers, this paper attempts to conceptualize which of these factors have the greatest potential of influencing the return intentions of Malaysia’s top talents working abroad. Proposing two propositions, these conceptual papers then analyzes related articles on the facts about brain drain. The implications of this paper are discussed from two perspectives namely are from the company as well as from the country perspectives. In conclusion, this paper manages to highlight the push and the pull factors influencing brain drain phenomenon in Malaysia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-29
Author(s):  
Christopher Houtkamp

Abstract In his book Linguistic Justice for Europe and the World, Van Parijs analyses in one of his chapters the brain drain from non-Anglophone to Anglophone countries, which hurts the economic development of the non-Anglophone states. Van Parijs deems it clear that English is a very important factor to explain high-skilled migration. He, therefore, urges the non-Anglophone countries to relax their linguistic territorial constraints and allow English as a communication language in many different sectors, most notably higher education and scientific research. This would remove the incentive for potential expatriate brains to migrate for linguistic reasons. This article takes a closer look at Van Parijs’ reasoning and proposed solutions. It is concluded that the assumed connection between English and high-skilled migration cannot be proven empirically for research on this topic is scarcely available. Furthermore, the solutions presented by Van Parijs will produce uncertain results at best. Van Parijs rightfully puts the brain drain problem on the political and research agenda, but much more additional studies are needed to formulate solid solutions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-104
Author(s):  
Andrijana Ristovska ◽  
Marija Magdinceva Sopova ◽  
Kiril Postolov ◽  
Saso Josimovski

This paper elaborates the issue about the ,,brain drain” phenomenon observing it through the prism of its intensity in the Republic of Macedonia and its positive and negative impacts, but also its effects on the development of the economy in the country. This research, which covered 1400 respondents from the target group of young people, aged between 15 and 29, begins by providing answers to the questions about the extent to which this phenomenon is present in Macedonia, what are the characteristics of the people who tend to leave the country, what are the pull factors that attract them to go abroad and also, what are the push factors that stimulate them to leave their own country, what are their expectations in relation to the development of the country in the future, what are their opinions about the effects of the brain drain on the development of the country – whether they are positive or negative effects and finally, which measures and policies, according to the respondents are of a great importance and should be taken by the government institutions and authorities, non-governmental organizations and private sector in order to reduce brain drain in the country.Republic of Macedonia is threatened by serious losses from brain drain that could decrease the human capital of the country and its economic growth. Macedonia faces a serious brain drain threat: 77.03% of respondents have firm stances to permanently leave the country, which is equal to loss of intellectual potential, loss of future skilled workers and entrepreneurs. It is a huge number of young people and poses a great danger to the aging of the population in the country, a risk to the economic potential and economic development of the country, especially if the continuity of migration lasts for a long time.Fortunately, the brain drain is a dynamic phenomenon, and its direction and intensity can be significantly changed through honest, serious and selfless efforts of all social stakeholders. In this direction, well-designed measures for the preservation of human capital in the country and their consistent implementation in practice, could turn this trend of brain drain into a successful brain circulation in Macedonia for a period of 5-10 years.Based on the presented results of the research given in the following text, but also on the basis of personal expertise and continuous monitoring of the brain drain process from the country, we propose several most important recommendations for activities at different levels of influence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 92-105
Author(s):  
Joanna Dragneva ◽  
Maria Popova-Hristova

This article examines the issues related to Bulgarian migration after the country acceded to the EU in 2007 and focuses its research on the phenomenon of “brain drain” – the process of mass emigration during which specialists, scientists and skilled workers leave. Today, this phenomenon is quite typical for Bulgaria as part of the former socialist countries of Eastern Europe. The problems associated with the “brain drain” are very relevant as the country suffers significant economic and cultural losses while the host countries acquire large and inexpensive intellectual capital. During the years of transition, Bulgaria strives to be a full member of the EU and provide opportunities for development and realization of specialists, scientists, and researchers. This requires the adoption of measures and initiatives to establish sustainable development in the capital and in the country and meet the need for highly skilled labor in the industrial sphere. The article aims to explore the possibilities for the return of Bulgarian migrants in response to the growing need for specialized staff in Sofia. The quantitative study involved more than 500 Bulgarian migrants residing in different host countries, selected randomly and responded voluntarily. The article defends the thesis that if Bulgaria provides opportunities to develop specialized staff through the undertaking of specific initiatives, this can be an attraction and a motive for the return of Bulgarian migrants. The study methodology utilizes the quantitative studies model (and, more specifically, the questionnaire method). To obtain more reliable results, their interpretation also includes additional statistical tools. The question whether a correlation exists between the age and the degree of settlement of Bulgarians abroad is of special interest and has been investigated using the Cramér V. The results show that in recent years the need for specialized staff is constantly growing. In response to this need, the initiatives that are undertaken are aimed at innovations in science and education. The study also takes into account the readiness of Bulgarian migrants to return home.


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