scholarly journals Why Hasn't Democracy Slowed Rising Inequality?

2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Bonica ◽  
Nolan McCarty ◽  
Keith T Poole ◽  
Howard Rosenthal
Keyword(s):  
Social Insurance ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Real Income ◽  
Revolving Door ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Regulatory Processes

During the past two generations, democratic forms have coexisted with massive increases in economic inequality in the United States and many other advanced democracies. Moreover, these new inequalities have primarily benefited the top 1 percent and even the top .01 percent. These groups seem sufficiently small that economic inequality could be held in check by political equality in the form of “one person, one vote.” In this paper, we explore five possible reasons why the US political system has failed to counterbalance rising inequality. First, both Republicans and many Democrats have experienced an ideological shift toward acceptance of a form of free market capitalism that offers less support for government provision of transfers, lower marginal tax rates for those with high incomes, and deregulation of a number of industries. Second, immigration and low turnout of the poor have combined to make the distribution of voters more weighted to high incomes than is the distribution of households. Third, rising real income and wealth has made a larger fraction of the population less attracted to turning to government for social insurance. Fourth, the rich have been able to use their resources to influence electoral, legislative, and regulatory processes through campaign contributions, lobbying, and revolving door employment of politicians and bureaucrats. Fifth, the political process is distorted by institutions that reduce the accountability of elected officials to the majority and hampered by institutions that combine with political polarization to create policy gridlock.

Legislative Diversity and the Rise of Women Lobbyists

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110093
Author(s):  
James M. Strickland ◽  
Katelyn E. Stauffer
Keyword(s):  
Gender Diversity ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Revolving Door ◽  
Women And Politics ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Women Legislators ◽  
Organized Interests ◽  
American States

Despite a growing body of literature examining the consequences of women’s inclusion among lobbyists, our understanding of the factors that lead to women’s initial emergence in the profession is limited. In this study, we propose that gender diversity among legislative targets incentivizes organized interests to hire women lobbyists, and thus helps to explain when and how women emerge as lobbyists. Using a comprehensive data set of registered lobbyist–client pairings from all American states in 1989 and 2011, we find that legislative diversity influences not only the number of lobby contracts held by women but also the number of former women legislators who become revolving-door lobbyists. This second finding further supports the argument that interests capitalize on the personal characteristics of lobbyists, specifically by hiring women to work in more diverse legislatures. Our findings have implications for women and politics, lobbying, and voice and political equality in the United States.

scholarly journals A Modest Proposal To Balance The Federal Budget

2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 669
Author(s):  
Robert B. Matthews
Keyword(s):  
Social Insurance ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Federal Budget ◽  
Safety Net ◽  
The United States ◽  
Defense Spending ◽  
Care Plan ◽  
Consumption Tax ◽  
Primary Driver ◽  
Us Federal Government

The total debt of the United States (US) federal government now exceeds annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP). This level has historically proved problematic in other countries. The primary driver of the debt is a federal budget deficit that now exceeds $1 trillion per year. Despite forecasts of dire consequences, the deficit and debt have not been controlled, as efforts to make meaningful reductionsincluding plans developed by the bipartisan Bowles-Simpson and Domenici-Rivlin groupshave so far fallen prey to infighting in the political process. This paper examines one approach to eliminate the annual deficit, balance the federal budget, and reduce the federal debt. This approach increases tax revenues with a flat income tax applied to a broader tax base plus a consumption tax. Health and welfare spending is reformed using the Boortz-Linder Prebate and the Bismarck social-insurance health care plan to provide a more comprehensive safety net. Defense spending is reduced by making greater use of reserve forces following the model of Sweden, Switzerland, and Israel, by reducing overseas deployments, and by reforming procurement. Many unnecessary or counterproductive activities are cancelled, transferred to the states, or privatized. Social security is placed on a sound footing for the future. These proposals are based in large part upon programs and procedures that have produced positive results in other countries. This approach is offered not as the only or best solution, but rather to indicate that solution is possible and to lead to further discussion.

scholarly journals “Nervous nellies and nay-sayers”: Social movements and Canada-United States free trade

SURG Journal ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Spencer Hamelin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
Steel Workers ◽  
Economic Union

Free trade is part of neo-liberal economics, which is centred on the free market principles of limited government regulation and private sector competition. Free trade focuses on the elimination of trade barriers and tariffs. In Canada, the movement toward free trade began in 1985 with the Royal Commission on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, which encouraged free trade between the United States and Canada, and concluded with the 1988 federal election that sealed Canada’s fate within economic union with the United States. This article will combine a Neo-Marxist and Political Process Theory framework to address how during the period from 1985 to 1988, Canadian social movements adopted innovative tactics and mobilized against free trade to gain greater influence over trade policy. Keywords: free trade; social movements; Canada; United States; Auto Pact; United Steel Workers; Canadian Auto Workers, National Action Committee on the Status of Women; Council of Canadians; Macdonald Commission

America’s Free-Market Family Policy

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-42
Author(s):  
Maxine Eichner
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Family Policy ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Economic Inequality ◽  
The United States ◽  
Family Leave ◽  
Market Forces ◽  
Market Policy ◽  
Child Benefits ◽  
The Government

This chapter contrasts two models of the role that government can play with respect to families. Free-market family policy, which the United States has adopted, is premised on the view that all government needs to do to support sound families is to support strong markets, which will in turn benefit families. In contrast, pro-family policy, which other countries have adopted, is based on the idea that families do better when the government actively supports them. Pro-family policy considers markets an important tool for distributing the resources that families need, but it regulates them to reduce economic inequality and insecurity and institutes programs like paid family leave, paid vacation, universal childcare, and child benefits. Of the two types of policies, free-market policy leaves families more vulnerable to market forces. That creates devastating problems for families when economic inequality and insecurity increase, as they have in the United States.

The Legal Regulation of Campaign Financing in American Federal Elections

1988 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 370-402
Author(s):  
K. D. Ewing
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Economic Resources ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Equality ◽  
Political Machine ◽  
Campaign Financing

1988 is a presidential election year in the United States. As in previous presidential and congressional campaigns, millions of dollars will be spent by candidates seeking elected office. Campaign financing in the United States, as in other western democracies, raises a question which strikes at the moral basis of the system of government. Thus, how do we secure and guarantee political equality in a society of deep-rooted economic inequality? It may well be that de Tocqueville was right when he wrote that “Democratic institutions awaken and foster a passion for equality which they can never entirely satisfy.” Yet the integrity of these institutions demands that control of economic resources does not permit domination of the political process on the simple expedient of unrestrained liberty for all in the political arena. If political equality is to mean anything in practice, the political machine must not be the preserve of the few who are ready, willing, and able to exploit private or personal economic resources. The purpose of this paper is to consider how this problem has been addressed in the United States. The paper traces the origins of the modern legislation and examines the tension between the legislative and the judicial branches of government. A particularly disturbing tendency has been the unwillingness on the part of the courts to sustain the legislation in the face of constitutional challenge, thereby facilitating the continued domination of the political process by moneyed interests. Given the growing movement for a Bill of Rights in Britain, these developments may yet be of some practical significance in this country.

The 1970s

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Borstelmann
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Free Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Perspective ◽  
Retirement Plans ◽  
Free Agency ◽  
The World ◽  
The Disabled ◽  
Oil Crisis ◽  
American Society

This book looks at an iconic decade when the cultural left and economic right came to the fore in American society and the world at large. While many have seen the 1970s as simply a period of failures epitomized by Watergate, inflation, the oil crisis, global unrest, and disillusionment with military efforts in Vietnam, this book creates a new framework for understanding the period and its legacy. It demonstrates how the 1970s increased social inclusiveness and, at the same time, encouraged commitments to the free market and wariness of government. As a result, American culture and much of the rest of the world became more—and less—equal. This book explores how the 1970s forged the contours of contemporary America. Military, political, and economic crises undercut citizens' confidence in government. Free market enthusiasm led to lower taxes, a volunteer army, individual 401(k) retirement plans, free agency in sports, deregulated airlines, and expansions in gambling and pornography. At the same time, the movement for civil rights grew, promoting changes for women, gays, immigrants, and the disabled. And developments were not limited to the United States. Many countries gave up colonial and racial hierarchies to develop a new formal commitment to human rights, while economic deregulation spread to other parts of the world, from Chile and the United Kingdom to China. Placing a tempestuous political culture within a global perspective, this book shows that the decade wrought irrevocable transformations upon American society and the broader world that continue to resonate today.

Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.

Political bullshit receptivity and its correlates: a cross-cultural validation of the concept

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vukašin Gligorić ◽  
Allard Feddes ◽  
Bertjan Doosje
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Meta Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Persuasive Communication ◽  
Lower Probability ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Total N

Frankfurt defined persuasive communication that has no regard for truth, knowledge, or evidence as bullshit. Although there has been a lot of psychological research on pseudo-profound bullshit, no study examined this type of communication in politics. In the present research, we operationalize political bullshit receptivity as endorsing vague political statements, slogans, and political bullshit programs. We investigated the relationship of these three measures with pseudo-profound bullshit, ideology (political ideology, support for neoliberalism), populism, and voting behavior. Three pre-registered studies in different cultural settings (the United States, Serbia, The Netherlands; total N = 534) yielded medium to high intercorrelations between political bullshit measures and pseudo-profound bullshit, and good construct validity (hypothesized one-factor solution). A Bayesian meta-analysis showed that all political bullshit measures positively correlated with support for the free market, while only some positively correlated with social (political statements and programs) and economic conservatism (programs), and populism (programs). In the U.S., higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability that one voted for Trump (vs Clinton) in the past and higher intentions to vote for Trump (vs Biden and Sanders). In the Netherlands, higher receptivity to political bullshit predicted the intention to vote for the conservative-liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy. Exploratory analyses on merged datasets showed that higher receptivity to political bullshit was associated with a higher probability to vote for right-wing candidates/parties and lower probability for the left-wing ones. Overall, political bullshit endorsement showed good validity, opening avenues for research in political communication, especially when this communication is broad and meaningless.

Privatizing Public Lands

1995 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Lehmann
Keyword(s):  
National Parks ◽  
Fundamental Problem ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Public Lands ◽  
The United States ◽  
Collective Ownership ◽  
Policy Analysts ◽  
Wildlife Refuges ◽  
Ownership Of Land ◽  
Privately Owned

In the United States, private ownership of land is not a new idea, yet the federal government retains title to roughly a quarter of the nation's land, including national parks, forests, and wildlife refuges. Managing these properties is expensive and contentious, and few management decisions escape criticism. Some observers, however, argue that such criticism is largely misdirected. The fundamental problem, in their view, is collective ownership and its solution is privatization. A free market, they claim, directs privately owned resources to their most productive uses, and privatizing public lands would create a free market in their services. This timely study critically examines these issues, arguing that there is no sense of "productivity" for which it is true that greater productivity is both desirable and a likely consequence of privatizing public lands or "marketizing" their management. Lehmann's discussion is self-contained, with background chapters on federal lands and management agencies, economics, and ethics, and will interest philosophers as well as public policy analysts.

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